Dear audience! Peace be upon you and Allah's mercy and blessings.
Marking the anniversary for the decease of our dear Imam, and before ushering into the reign of the Imam, we also recall today the anniversary of the Naksa on June 5th, 1967 as well as the anniversary of invading Lebanon on June 6th, 1982. The Israelis used to call this event an invasion; however following July War they noticed that it was tantamount to a war. Thus they called it Lebanon War I and dubbed July War Lebanon War II. Indeed, both anniversaries call on the Arab and Islamic peoples as well as the peoples of the region always to draw lessons and morals so as to benefit from all the experiences, all what took place, and all the pains, sufferings, mistakes, gaps, deficiencies, achievements and positive points. That's because the battle is not over yet, because Palestine is still under occupation, because the sanctities of Muslims and Christians are still being violated, because an entire people are still being displaced and tortured whether on their homeland or in exodus, because there are thousands of detainees in prisons, and because hundreds - if not thousands - of martyrs are still in cemeteries of numbers.
Here I pause before the scene of the 91 Palestinian martyrs' coffins which were distributed yesterday among Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Man may read many messages in this scene which combines melancholy and pride. The most important messages are two:
First, it highlights the brutality of the enemy who intentionally keeps the bodies of martyrs to harm the morals, feelings and emotions of an entire people so as to make them feel humiliated and degraded.
The second message highlights the long era of the history of Palestinian resistance which was and is still marked with courage, bravery, heroism, qualitative operations, determination to carry on the way of resistance and jihad no matter how great the sacrifices are. This also calls on us on the prelude of the word to recall the rest of the Lebanese martyrs whose remains are still in cemeteries of numbers as well as the cause of the Lebanese missed and prisoners whose their life or martyrdom is debatable. We have always said that this is the responsibility of the state which it must assume. When the resistance calls for assuming responsibility on this perspective that would actually be because of the lack of responsibility.
On the occasion of occupying Lebanon, we must remember the rest of our occupied territories in Kafar Shouba Hills and Shebaa Farms. The national responsibility is on the shoulders of the state, the people and all of us to liberate our territories which are still occupied.
Ushering into the reign of the Imam, we say that the Imam indeed had personal characteristics besides his external deeds. He is a great jurisprudent, a grand philosopher, one of the great men of Gnosticism, and an innovative, renewing Islamic thinker who had several personal characteristics. He also had special characteristics in action. What the Imam created and caused in the lives of people, the life of the nation not only in modern history but rather in human history and what he established for the future had also several characteristics. However, I will tackle two points swiftly.
The first point is that we call the Imam the leader of the massive popular Islamic Revolution that was launched in Iran and led after all to the toppling of the tyrant Shah regime which was the American Gulf police and Israel's strategic ally.
He was also the founder of the Islamic Republic. In action, he had several characteristics but I will tackle these two characteristics.
As for the first characteristic, he is the leader of the revolution. In fact, he is distinguished because it was he who launched the revolution in the early sixties. The revolution started with one individual called Ruhuallah Al Musawi Al Khomeini. He started making speeches, yelling, condemning, guiding, preaching and calling on people to be aware, to have a stance and to rise. He moved along with his pupils, students, friends and companions. Thus was the starting point.
He was the leader of the revolution and the man who triggered it. He was the first to shoulder its burdens and repercussions whether through personal security threats, breaking into his house, robbing his library and arresting him. He was about to be sentenced to life penalty. He was also exiled for long years, his son – Sayyed Mustafa – was martyred and all through the years of the revolution his students, pupils and closest companions used to be hanged, hurled in prisons or expelled. Still he followed up, led and guided this revolution. The qualitative change was marked in the spiritual, humanistic moment which manifested extreme determination and bravery when the Imam insisted to board the plane from Paris to Tehran while the possibility of downing the plane was very strong.
This leader – who used to proceed himself and confront death and all risks - was the leader who made the revolution and launched it with success granted by Allah Al Mighty. It was he also who led it to achieve victory. The day will come – as today there is clamor in the region and the general atmosphere does not tolerate making bets – when in calm atmosphere the important establishing role of Imam Khomeini, the victory of his blessed revolution in Iran, the major changes which took place in our region and led to the revolutions which were launched even if decades later as well as the establishing role of this revolution in the Arab- Israeli struggle, the resistance movements and their victories will be made clear.
The second characteristic is that he was the establisher of the Islamic Republic. We all know – and this is very evident and it does not need any verification – that demolition is easier than building. Demolition needs brief time while building needs more time, capabilities, and effort. Perhaps many succeed in demolition but do not succeed in building. This is the true challenge.
Last year during the anniversary, I talked about the importance of the Imam's dependence and reliance on the will of the people in creating the alternative and in building the state. I will talk today about building the state itself. That was the greatest and most important achievement because building the state and success in building it is more complicated than the victory of leading the revolution and its final achievement. This trial is now faced by several Arab peoples who had moved with their revolutions to the final stages or to a high percentage or to a moderate percentage apart from the difference in evaluation and milieus. This is the true trial now. You may topple a regime but the true trial is that you be able to build a state.
This status quo is now experienced by more than one country and more than one people. Principally, the Imam (May Allah bestow His content on him) moved from an intellectual, convictional background in building the state. As we don't have much time, it is enough to hint that in principle, in the Islamic intellect – as the Imam says – the concept of the existence of the state, the existence of a political regime and the existence of a ruling government – not in the sense of a cabinet but rather in the terms of that time it is the presence of a prince, imam or a caliph – is a natural need for any human community. It is an innate need, and this is obvious and does not need evidence as man's need for food, water and sleep. The need of the human community to a state in the Islamic intellect and the intellect of the Imam is obvious and does not need evidence.
Well, what is disputable is the nature and the identity of the state, and the form of the regime which rules the community. This issue is theoretical and needs evidence, discussion and making use of human experiences, divine religions and human philosophy.
However the essence of the existence of the state and the need for the establishment of a state to manage the public affairs for any community in any stage in human history is natural and obvious, and the public affairs for any community won't stand without a state and a regime. Thus as soon as the Islamic Revolution in Iran made victory on February 11th, 1979, the process of building the state started. The Imam along with his friends, students and the essential figures in the revolution were ready. They had discussed the ideas beforehand. There were drafts on a theoretical structure and on the identity and nature of the state.
That was prepared for one way or another; however, mastery and great wisdom in leadership started from the very first moment.
The Imam ordered and his supporter backed him and his people responded first to the preservation of all the state institutions. As for the Iranian Army, the senior generals who were under the Shah, the Mosad, the Americans and the Savac fled. However, the army as an army was guarded. The same applies to the state administrations. Thus on the following day they told the employees to go back to their work. The public property were guarded. The political class ran away or were forced away or were held accountable. The Imam called on the Iranian people to return the confiscated items whether arms, money, or documents. We all remember on that days how the Iranians used to stand in long lines to return what they confiscated during the last days of clashes with the regime. Thus was the early stage of establishing the pillars of building the state. Thus the Imam called on the Iranian people to elect a council of experts - he did not appoint a council of experts – to set the constitution which comprised jurists and law scholars and political and intellectual elites, university professors, men of intellect and economists…. Then he called for electing a council of experts and gave it a definite time limit. The constitution draft was set. The Imam presented the draft on the Iranian people through a referendum. It was approved on.
The constitution is the basis for any modern state. On the light of the constitution which was approved by the Iranian people, the process of building the political regime started. Thus the first president of the Islamic Republic in Iran was elected.
So within less than a year, brothers and sisters, the council of experts was found as well as the constitution, the referendum, the president was elected, and state institutions and properties were guarded. Look what did the Americans do in Iraq. When the Americans came to Iraq they dismantled the army and the state and demolished everything. Indeed this is a special story.
In a year and a month only, the first Iranian parliament was elected. I want to say that the political regime institutions, the pillars of the political regime, the council of experts, the constitution, the president election, the parliament election, the constitution of the government were all achieved in a year and a month or in a year and two months despite all the exceptional, emergency and difficult conditions which surrounded the Islamic revolution from within and from without.
The Imam made this achievement. Well, why did the people respond to this great extent? That's because of the Imam's moral and spiritual influence.
The Imam did not unsheathe his sword on the people or anything of that sort. He used to speak or write a statement and the people used to respond in an extraordinary way. This is the greatness of the Islamic republic in Iran.
We are talking about the popular nature which is manifested here. Well, the Imam could have said there is an extraordinary situation. The revolution is threatened by factors internally and by foreign risks and international and regional conspiracies. Thus he would not tolerate elections and referendums or constitutions. He'd say let's set an emergency law, an interim leadership or an interim government and he would remain the absolute ruler for years. That might be tolerated for a year or two or three or four. However, the Imam did not do that because it never crossed his mind that he wanted to establish an authority for himself. He rather wanted to build a state for the Iranian people… a state that would carry on, develop, proceed and face all threats and risks even if he was not present. That's why he wrote in his will that with a tranquil heart, a reconciled, confident soul he leaves to his eternal resting place because he knows what and whom he left behind. The primary trial and the greatest achievement for Imam Khomeini (May Allah bestow His content on him) is his success in building a modern state which joins originality and modernity and confronts all challenges and risks and responds to most of the requirements and the aspirations of the Iranian people. He had presented a sublime model on this perspective. This model must be studied with objectivity and realism. The misleading voices of disfiguration and delusion which are launched here and there must be discarded. These voices do not want this model to spread. They don't want a model that combines originality and modernity, original principles and liberty and development. Thus this sample which was found by Imam Khomeini must be approached in a scientific objective and not in an oratorical way as what is taking place in these dim atmospheres.
Before ushering from hereof to the Lebanese situation, I must show loyalty to the Imam and say that the Imam (May Allah bestow His content on him) showed interest in Palestine and Al Qods from the very beginning, before the start of the revolution, since its onset, to the establishment of the state and until his death and departure. Neither the challenges he faced during the days of the revolution, nor the challenges he confronted during the days of building the state, nor all the risks and international and regional threats caused the slightest change in the stance of Imam Khomeini towards Palestine, Al Qods and Israel. I hope we are very careful of this point. He used to believe that Palestine, the Palestinian cause and Al Qods are a central cause. It is a convictional issue. It is a strategic issue which is not subject to negotiations, tactics or manipulations. I must remind that Imam Khomeini (May Allah bestow His content on him) was the perpetual caller for unity, proximity, cooperation, support and integration between Muslims and among the deemed-weak. On a scope wider the circle of Muslims, he used always to talk about the Ibrahimi common point between the divine religions and the followers of the divine religions. The Imam was very truthful in this commitment, and he did not alter his commitment despite all the conspiracies.
You know that while building the state and when he was old in age an eight-year-war was waged on him and on his people and state. It was waged by Saddam Hussein with an American, western and international support. Then many of the Arab states stood with Saddam Hussein at a time the sin of the Imam was known! Few Arab states including Syria did not back Saddam. Hundreds of billions of dollars were spent by several world and Arab states on the war against the Imam and his people and state while the Arab peoples were still sufferings from poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, hunger, deprivation and underdevelopment. The Palestinian people were suffering from all of this; all through these years they were suffering.
When I tackle this point, I mean to address all of the people saying despite all what Saddam Hussein and some of the Arab regimes in the name of Arabism did to the Imam and his people – the killing, the demolition and the war – the Imam did not retreat one step in the intellect of unity, proximity, cooperation, integration and fraternity between Muslims and the deemed-weak. This issue was a convictional issue according to him. It is an issue of belief which springs from his relation with Allah and his seek to reach the content of Allah. The issue has nothing to do with reactions to events that might take place here and there even if they were as tremendous as an eight-year-war. I will interpret further. I believe that a man other than the Imam and the companions of the Imam and the Iranian people when most of the Arab governments do what they did for eight years – would have the right to say from whatever perspective that I have nothing to do with the Arabs, the Arab peoples, Palestine and Al Qods. He would have turned his back to this part of the world and started searching for his interests in Mid Asia and Europe as once Turkey of Ataturk did when it turned its back to the Arab and Islamic world and headed towards the west. Well, the Imam did not do that in any moment.
From this main topic I want to tackle the Lebanese affairs in a couple of words. Reform is required in Lebanon as it is required in Syria, Bahrain and other countries. However as a Lebanese people we are before this challenge. The evidence is that up till now (2012) – for how many years Lebanon has been independent – the political speech among all parties is as follows: Some say we want a state. Others say we want to cross to the state. Others say we want to build the state. That means that inclusively there is Lebanese consensus that we do not have a true actual state and this is what we must achieve and undertake.
For years and up till now everybody is preoccupied. All the Lebanese whether the political forces and political leaderships are preoccupied with the developments and events. Allow me to tell you that we all work on daily basis in politics: What is this story about? How is this event to be addressed? How are we to address its reactions? How are we to tackle this topic and take a position in it?
On the anniversary of Imam Khomeini and when talking about the strategic and essential causes we step out of details as when we used to talk about the events in Syria. We used to stand on the top of the mountain and from above and contemplate for a while on the situation in Lebanon: What must we do? Shall we go on with this state of confusion and chaos. The anxiety which afflicted many of the Lebanese during the past few weeks is logical and valid. Some people started feeling that the country will become uncontrollable. Civil war is looming. Where are we? Is Lebanon as a nation and as a people amid the wind?
At a moment of contemplation, let's say what we will do. Even when tackling priorities, we must ask people about their priorities through polls and not from behind our offices. Really we must see the views of the people and their priorities. We would find that there is a group of priorities on top of which are two priorities.
The first priority is security and civil peace. Some time ago this possibility did not exist. Now and as a result of the repercussions of the events in Syria, the developments in the region, the lassitude of the state institutions in dealing with security affairs, the disorder in the judicial situation, the agitation, mobilization, and factional and sectarian provocation, we are in a difficult situation. Why? Let's not hide behind our finger. We always used to say that preserving stability has the first priority. Today besides the political crisis, there are robbers, criminals, attacks, kidnapping… The issue is open. Ask the people and they would say the priority is security. They might require that before reform and before anything else.
Accordingly, the second priority would be the living situation. Two or three months later, people will go back to schools and winter will return… So what will be the case? So the priority of people now is security and the living situation. The living situation is important – their food, water, health, well being, children… These are what Imam Ali (Peace be upon him) talk about when he says: Two blessings are unfelt: health and security. Man would be dwelling in security until he feels insecure; he then senses the blessing he was in. He would be dwelling in good health while not feeling this blessing. When he losses health, he becomes aware of this blessing. It is exactly like oxygen which we breath day and night. We are dwelling in this blessing; however when we feel like suffocating, we feel this blessing.
However, how are we to address these two priorities?
Through these two priorities, I reach the point I would like to say:
Security is the pressing topic in all regions. Indeed some media outlets try to magnify some security events. Some media outlets and political sides try to magnify some security events to embarrass other political forces. For example, when it is said that in such and such region there is security disorder or the like, as if it is required that we be responsible for security or the political forces which exist in that place be responsible.
Brethrens! In brief I say that human experiences, the Lebanese modern experience during the last ten years, knowledge, investigation and reality say that security and internal peace in any community is the outcome of an integrated process and it is not an absolute security action. It is the result of an integrated process which includes all factors whether the cultural, educational, legal, judicial, economic, political, security, media… The skillful professional security action is part of an integrated process that leads to guarding security and guarding civil peace. Who owns the elements of this integrated process in any society? It is the state and the state institutions only. No one else owns these factors whether any organization or party. See the Lebanese experience. People tried civil administration, self-security, the security of the Christian society above any other consideration… Everyone had his trial. Did that lead to true security? Never!
Any party or any organization no matter how strong might be able to guard his leaderships, headquarters and celebrations; however, they won't be able to secure a community and a people because they fall short behind that and because they do not possess all the factors of the integrated process which leads to security and civil peace. This is the responsibility of the state. We want security, internal peace, civil peace and we want the people to stay living with each other. We want a true, strong, just, active state. The assumption of parties – even if they are just, strong and professional – for self-security responsibilities in any region would achieve goals different from the target. Instead of leading to security, it would lead to civil war and war among clans, families and the various components of the civil community. The state is the side able assume this responsibility without taking its people and community to civil war.
As for the economic, living and financial issue, we also say that human experiences, knowledge, investigation and reality say that the welfare of any society, providing the least limit of the people's needs in any society on the level of food, water, education, health and welfare – in Lebanon we add that addressing social and living crises which the Lebanese citizens as well as foreigners who live on the Lebanese territories suffer from – is the outcome of an integrated process also. So it is not limited to industry, trade, culture, import and export. These are just part of the process. The living welfare is the outcome of an integrated process which includes the judicial, legal, security, political, cultural, educational, and economic factors. Today in Lebanon, no one can say we have a crisis called the region of Akkar. How am I to create an economic status for this region and address its living and social crisis and make it enjoy good living standard and welfare? We may say the same to the north, Baalbeck-Hermel, Bekaa, Mount Liban, Beirut and its suburbs, and the south. There is nothing called region economy. No one can address the economy of a region. No one can say how am I to address the Sunnite economy, the Shiite economy, the Christian economy, or the Durzi economy. This is wrong. Today there is the Lebanese economy which is not apt for disintegration according to regions or sects. There is a state which must take care of the economic affair to address the social and living crisis of its people.
That's not the whole story. In fact, in the world today, if the state which takes care of its national economy is not part of a strong, regional, economic system, it won't be able to stand for long that's - if we are not to say address its crisis.
The status is even worse in the world today. There are historically strong states which are part of the strongest economic systems in the world such as the European Union which are kneeling down such as Greece, Spain, Holland, and Denmark. Even Britain and France are now suffering. There are states at the verge of falling. So the economic, financial, living, and social issue can't be addressed by a party or an organization or an alliance of parties. The best a party or a movement or a side can do is providing some job opportunities for some nationals, securing some services, or making some achievements. However, are they able to address a living and social crisis which need an integrated process of this kind? Indeed no! They would fall short behind that. The state is responsible.
I would like to conclude saying the following: If we in Lebanon want a united Lebanon in the region that is facing the danger of division, if we want that Lebanon stays secure and lives in internal and civil peace really, if we want that Lebanon addresses all its economic, social, living and administrative crises and problems, we must look forward to the state and state institutions.
I am not saying this talk for consumption or as slogans. We believe in this and we educate our followers and cadres accordingly in internal session. Why do we do that in internal sessions? That's because no one be misguided that this talk is for political consumption. No! this is internal education.
We as Lebanese must reach this conviction. All parties, movements, sects, the residents of all regions must reach a conviction that this Lebanon does not tolerate division or federalization. It's future is one; it is in unity. As such it may confront all its crises and realize the aspirations or most of the aspirations of the Lebanese people. The solution is in a true, national, strong, active, just and respectful state in which law and not fanaticism and personal disposition rules. This is true aspiration. We have the right to aspire. The people who do not aspire, have hopes, put before their eyes an aim – even if there are difficulties in achieving it – are not a people who deserve to step out of their crises. We will inherit our crises to our children and grandchildren and the following offspring. Do we want that or not? We are today a people fit to assume responsibility even in national defense, confronting the enemy, and guarding Lebanese sovereignty. Why are we obliged to say: the army, the people and the resistance. Had there been a state which assumes the responsibility and is able to assume the responsibility from the very beginning, why were people obliged to quit their schools, religious classes, institutions and fields and make popular resistance? The state would have defended and liberated, and the people would have helped the state and backed it.
Even when we head to the dialogue table and talk about a defense strategy, instead of discussing and addressing the results, we must address the reasons. Why did we reach this far? Why did we resort to these choices? Let's give the remedy. The remedy is in building the state. I believe that there is theoretical consensus on this by the Lebanese. However, there remains seriousness. Let's discuss the obstacles. How are we to remove the obstacles? This is what we believe in? In fact, this is the intellect of Imam Sayyed Mussa Assadre (May Allah return him and both his friends safely). This is our faith, intellect, commitment and culture. Whoever says otherwise must provide his evidence.
Thus today I make a call for the national dialogue table which will be held in few days. We are going to the dialogue table. I hope no one will boycott it. I propose the following: Do you want serious discussion, let's start with the reasons and address the reasons. That means let's talk about how to build a true strong state in Lebanon. I even say more than that. I call for a national dialogue table, and I call on His Eminence the President in particular to discuss this option. Let's hold a national conference – national dialogue conference - in Lebanon and not only a dialogue table. The idea may be further developed as well. Why don't we hold a national constituent conference in Lebanon such as the constituent conferences which are held today in some countries in the Arab world. That means a new council of experts. Don't we as Lebanese deserve that. Don't our people, country, nation and future deserve even if once in history to sit together before shelling each other. When the Lebanese used to make dialogue in Geneva, Luzan, Damascus, or in Baabda, they used to do so under rocket shelling and while corpses were disjointed and people displaced. However today – Praise be to Allah – our security status is relatively acceptable. People are controlling their nerves and themselves. We have a chance to sit together and talk to each other. So why don't we hold a constituent conference. We may also develop the idea even further. We may elect a constituent conference. The Lebanese people may elect not on sectarian or regional basis however. Let there be lists or percentages. There are options. Let's say a definite number of politicians, a definite number of professors, a definite number of judges and men of law, a definite number of syndicate and laborers' representatives… We would set percentages to elect or form a constituent council of 50, 75 or 100 representatives. We would give them a six-month-time limit or a year-time limit. For thirty years we have been fighting and battling and searching for a solution. Let's give them a chance for dialogue and discussing all options.
There are some people in Lebanon who when you talk about the state, building the state, a strong active state would say we have Taef Accord and implementing Taef Accord. Others would say develop Taef Accord. A third section would go for agreeing on a new social contract or a new social covenant. Others might say the solution is in annulling political sectarianism. Others would say absolute secularism. What is the problem, then? If there is a true national conference which represents all or most of the Lebanese sections or a named or elected constituent conference, people would sit and discuss how to build a state. This is what we need if we are to say strategic, primary and original talk in the anniversary of Imam Khomeini (May Allah glorify his holy secret). Otherwise, we will go on working on daily basis. We may carry on working on daily basis for years and we may inherit that to our children and grandchildren. This generation of leaderships and elites may let Lebanon move on the right firm track so that it does not stay dependant on one person, a group of persons or a definite structure. The Islamic Republic continued to exist despite the decease of a great and historic personality unmatched in Iran and even in the current time at least. It continued to exist forcefully and vigorously. That's because it is on the right track. I call that we work industriously to put Lebanon on the right track.
There are two points which I would still like to hint to. First and in the occasion of the anniversary, we recall another dear precious anniversary. We must recall the first-class-man of state – meaning martyr PM Rashid Karameh – who was in fact a national historic leader and man of state whose assassination created a great gap on the national and even regional level. On the anniversary of his assassination and martyrdom, we renew our solidarity with this honorable, national family on top of which is PM Omar Karameh. We renew our stand by this family and all their just and rightful demands.
The last point is the Lebanese abducted in Syria as we can't but tackle this issue even if with one word. From the very first moment, we – whether Hezbollah or Amal Movement – committed ourselves on the political level and called on the families of the abducted and all the sympathizers to show self-control, calmness and patience. We also said since the very beginning that these kidnapped are Lebanese nationals. Consequently, the Lebanese state - the Lebanese government - is above all responsible for restoring them and setting them free. It is also responsible for their dignity, integrity, and security. All of us as political or religious forces or leaderships would help the state. However, the state is responsible.
In fact, the state and its principle, on the level of the government, on the level of several ministers and on the level of several state institutions as well are working seriously. I bear witness on that. They are working seriously day and night to lead this cause to its good ending.
Since the start of this event and during the past days, some misconceptions took place. There is no need to tackle them or to comment on them for the good of the kidnapped themselves in the current stage. In the future we might talk about that or not.
Today and amid these incessant efforts which the Lebanese officials are assuming I would like first to stress on the responsibility of the government and the state to address this file. We would help; however, the responsibility is on the Lebanese state and government. The state is as well the side concerned in communicating, negotiating, and responding.
Second, we must all hail the patience of the families of the kidnapped, their self- control and morality, their great sense of responsibility - and these days before some sorts of pressure – and their noble and honorable stance. This is indeed always excepted from them and their likes.
Third, I call on carrying on being patient and calm, to practice self-control and tolerate so as to give the state more time and a chance to follow up with this cause so as to reach the required result.
I would like to thank the great brother and teacher, His Eminence Sheikh Ahmad Zein for his stance, sympathy and adoration for me and for the resistance.
Finally I have a word to say to the kidnappers. Yesterday, you said you have no problem with the sect. That is fine. Now, you have to prove that. These are visitors. They are innocent. They must return to their families.
If you have a problem with me, there are many ways and ways to address the problem. There are many methods and levels for that. I do not wish to go further into details. If you want war, let it be war. If you want peace, let it be peace. If you want love, let it be love. Let it be solved the way you want. If you have any problem with me, with Hezbollah, or Hezbollah and Amal Movement or any political side in Lebanon who had a stance from the events in Syria, let's separate the cause of the kidnapped and put it aside and let's solve your problem with us. Using the innocent visitors as hostages to resolve the problem – regardless of its nature and essence - is great injustice you should abandon.
This is the word I wanted to say. In all cases, we said and always say that we have a certain vision towards what is taking place in Syria. We have a stance. We call for calmness, dialogue, peace, reform, transcendence of wounds, preserving Syria’s unity and the unity of its people and preserving the blood of its army and people.
As is the case with every Syrian, our heart is aching for Syria, its dignity, position, strength, welfare, security and stability. We may differ with others in Lebanon or abroad in approaching, understanding, and reading what is taking place, the backgrounds, targets, and interactions. This is our right which we practice daily.
We ask Allah Al Mighty to bestow freedom and a safe honorable return on the kidnapped, to grand us wisdom and insight to know how to deal with similar issues. May Allah have mercy on our great Imam and all the martyrs and seniors of the nation. Peace be upon you and Allah's mercy and blessings.
