Tuesday, May 15, 2012
Speech of Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah during the "More beautiful Promise" Ceremony
In the Name of Allah, The Compassionate, The Most Merciful. Peace be on the Seal of prophets, our Master and Prophet, Abi Al Qassem Mohammad and on his chaste and pure Household and on his chosen companions and on all messengers and prophets.
Brothers and sisters! Peace be upon you and Allah's Mercy and blessings. I am glad to welcome you all in this blessed ceremony that marks this great achievement.
First, this ceremony and meeting of ours coincide with a dear and precious occasion which is the fragranced birthday of our Lady – the Woman of all women – Sayyeda Fatima the daughter of the Prophet of Allah Mohammad (Peace be upon him). This great solemn lady from the Prophet's Household whom Allah {Only wishes to remove all abomination from you, Ye Member of the family, and to make you absolutely pure} and the kinship whom Allah ordered us to love in return for the greatest revelation and the sacrifices of the greatest Messenger is the Lady who is the sovereign of the ladies of this nation and their representative with the Prophet of Allah for the earnest prayers. She is as the Prophet of Allah (Peace be upon him) said about her: "The mother of her father" His soul" and "The lady of Heaven's women".
We meet this concurrence between our ceremony and achievement and the occasion with a good omen. I felicitate you, all Muslims in the world and her grandson – Imam Mahdi (peace be upon him) – on this great ceremony.
Brothers and sisters! The occasion of our ceremony is well known to all, and it will be the primary topic of my speech.
I would like to tackle reconstructing Dahiyeh within a general framework to the effect of the importance of this experience, its symbolism, contents, implications and moral as well as show some gratitude to those who were true partners in today's achievement. Inshallah in the extra time I will handle some political topics on the regional and Lebanese level.
There are some points which I might hint to as headlines. In May and the coming months, there are many occasions to mark. Thus my brethrens and I may tackle these headlines in details. Thus I will make general hints to some topics. Everyone knows the aim of July War. It was to crush the resistance. The aim was not to disarm the resistance or pull it out from the area to the south of Litany or to restore the two prisoners or anything of this sort. The aim was to crush the resistance and to make Lebanon succumb and fit in as part of the major changes which are prepared for the region and especially Palestine and Syria and later on Iran i.e. to make a Neo Middle East and consequently adjoin Lebanon and the whole region to the US-Israeli-yielding Arabs axis project. The war failed to achieve any of its goals. All through the past years that followed the war, many as well as we tackled that war, its aims, tracks, repercussions and results in various fields whether political, security, military, moral, psychological, economic, social, reconstruction…. I will tackle the socio-psychological dimension and reconstruction as briefly as possible.
The question has always been: Why did the Israeli enemy resort to this magnitude of destruction when confronting a resistance or an enemy that is fighting it?
Why doesn't it limit itself to field combat? Why doesn't it limit itself to targeting military posts and military goals? The enemy rather intentionally expands its aggression to demolish the greatest number of homes, commercial shops, markets, schools and infrastructure. What is the reason behind that? Is there true military need for that?
No! In fact what the Israeli enemy is perpetrating in this perspective are war crimes. The enemy's nature is criminal and terrorist. He who resorts to this magnitude of demolition has an aim behind that. That's because the Israeli enemy has a theory. The milieu which embraces any resistance movement whether in Palestine, Lebanon or in any other place must suffer and feel pain. Its life must turn to a true hell. It must live a miserable life. It must pay the price of its choice of being a resistant milieu and of supporting the resistance. After all, the resistance is the fruit of its milieu. It is the fruit of these men and women and mothers and fathers. This social component forms a source of pressure. The Israeli enemy intends to change the life of people to hell in any confrontation. The enemy resorts to 'cauterizing awareness' in their terminology. They want you to know very well that confronting the enemy has very expensive prices. If you want to live in an area in which there is a terrorist criminal entity which is Israel and if you want to live a honorable, noble life and if you want to defend your land and guard your honor and still keep your head raised high with pride, you must offer invaluable sacrifices and you must be ready to offer valuable sacrifices. If you are not ready for that, you have to accept morsels and bits. You have to accept the little the Americans and the Israelis offer you whether the narrow margin of personal freedom or the piece of land on which you practice a municipal rule or be a mayor of a town. You must accept that your refugees and people remain in exodus and that you remain humiliated, submissive and yielding. This is 'cauterizing awareness'. In face of this destructive war there was a war too. There was confrontation, and there was resistance. In face of military confrontation there was military resistance. In face of security confrontation there was security resistance. In face of media confrontation and psychological and political war there was a resistance of this very nature. The same applies to the war of demolition and the war of touching the will, morals and determination. In face of them there were a war of construction, a war of determination, a war of remaining in the land, and a war of steadfastness. This is what is expressed in the construction project which took place in all regions in Lebanon, a part of which was Waed Project which aimed at constructing the buildings in Dahiyeh. Thus as we celebrated the great divine victory on September 22nd, 2006 in Dahiyeh, we are celebrating today another victory which is the victory of construction in face of the war of destruction. It is even more the victory of the will – the will to remain in the land, the will to remain steadfast, the will to live an honorable noble life and not the life of whatever form. That's because life under humiliation, disgrace and occupation is not life; it is rather death.
Today we are celebrating this victory – the victory of construction and will to remain steadfastly in our land. The owners of the residential units all over Lebanon and especially in Dahiyeh insisted on rebuilding their homes and apartments in their very places. They were able – when they received the first payment and Inshallah they will receive the second payment – to say that we do not want to reconstruct here and to live in Dahiyeh. They would have said we want to travel abroad and migrate to the various countries of immigration as is the case of the people of the whole region. However they said we want to remain here; we want to come back to our houses here; we want to live here; we want to die here… This is the message of this celebration and achievement, and this is how the Israeli enemy would receive it.
The issue is not that of cement and walls. The story is that of the will of the people to remain steadfastly here.
Before this achievement, I would like first to salute and offer my high esteem to the souls of the martyrs of July War – the martyrs of heroism and resistance. Was it not for their youthful arms and chaste blood we would not have remained alive and this construction or victory or achievement wouldn't have taken place.
Brothers and sisters! We want to talk a bit on Waed Project before moving to the political points. During the final days of July War – specifically during the last week – it was clear that the war is moving towards the end. The enemy failed to achieve any of its targets. It has no ability to carry on for reasons we have talked lengthily about before and I will not reiterate now. So things were moving towards the final days and we will be before very great and new challenges and trials.
Then we were thinking thoroughly how to get ready to confront these challenges. Indeed some of these challenges were media; others were political and others were moral. Thus the battle started: Was there a defeat? Was there a victory? Was what took place a defeat for the enemy only?
You know that those who were betting on us being crushed, killed and slaughtered and that on our, your and the disjointed limbs of the nationals in Lebanon a Neo Middle East would be found realized that the war flopped. They went somewhere else to deny our victory or to belittle the importance of this victory.
That was the battle. There was also a military and field challenge to draw lessons and morals and to get prepared to what is coming. There were also humanistic, popular, social and living challenges.
Under the title of humanistic, living and popular challenge come a number of issues one of which is the return of the displaced. That means that then we were thinking: Well, should a ceasefire take place or the military operations stop on August 13, 14 or 15, that means that things will be over within days. The first challenge is the displaced. Hundreds of thousands of the displaced who left their homes want to return. We know the nature of these people.
You remember that on August 14th, the people decided to return. They returned with utmost bravery and steadfastness. They confronted tough risks. Statistics then said that the Israelis during the final days threw over southern Lebanon 4 million cluster bombs. This number might be really humble before the true facts.
Under all conditions, the return of the displaced is a challenge. Opening the roads and clearing the ruins were another challenges as well as demining the residential regions and roads which people travel. We will have plenty of time later to clear the open areas. There was also housing the displaced. Well the displaced would return to their villages and towns. Where will they reside? This was another challenge. Repairing the semi-demolished houses and reconstructing the totally demolished houses was a challenge. Reconstructing the public infrastructure was a challenge.
We must be ready to confront all these challenges and trials. Indeed there is no time to talk about all these issues. I will tackle my primary topic; however this was the general course.
During those days, I contacted the brethrens in the Islamic Republic in Iran – Let's talk openly. I contacted the brethrens in Iran during the days of the war and while shelling was still taking place. The agreement was not made yet. We told the brethrens we will face this challenge. Indeed there are some who bet upon the end of the war on pushing things towards social crises in the country to besiege the resistance and embarrass it. I received data from saloons and sessions to this effect saying well soon war will be over. They were spared from death. However they have hundreds of thousands of displaced. Tens of thousands of families have no place to go. There is drastic destruction. How will they face that? Terms were used which I do not wish to use because I am against all forms of instigation. However there are things which one may say within a definite limit.
That was a true challenge. That was a true bet. The resistance was severely targeted when the war was over; however from the socio-living perspective.
I will not fail to tell you that His Eminence Imam Leader Great Ayatollah Sayyed Khamenai (May Allah prolong his lifespan) generously answered our call. There was also a true response from President Mahmoud Ahmadi Nejad. We must say things as they are. During those days, we received some money from the tracks we used to receive capabilities and arms from.
When I promised you on the last day of the war, I trusted in Allah Al Mighty and confident of the brethren, ally and friend. We received the support. Thus when the military operations ceased, the general organizational body was ready. We as well as the brethrens in Amal Movement and the other friendly and ally political movements and forces showed up in Dahiyeh and the various regions as well as the engineering bodies and societies, municipalities, societies and civil institutions.
From the very first day work started. We did not wait for the state and the institutions of the state. That is the state apart from its capabilities and capacities – that is if its intention was good and I do not want to discuss intentions now – is slow and needs time. As for us, the hour and the day were of great importance because things had to do with the honor of these people.
The most pressing issue was the return of the displaced, housing them, and repairing the houses which were not totally demolished so that within months they may be habitable. Actually we started working. I believe that this experience is unprecedented in the history of wars. I am not sure and I do not know. I am talking as far as I know. War is over. More than a hundred thousand residential units are totally or partially demolished. Tens of thousands of families are homeless. A side shows up and within few days contacts the families in an organized way. It provides them with a financial aid to rent a house for a year and furnish it in an acceptable way as a prelude to making reparations and reconstruction. That led to the housing of tens of thousands of displaced within the available capabilities. It was supposed that no family remain in the street or in a camp. You know there were many houses for rent. The real estate market in Lebanon was inactive.
As far as repairing is concerned, Jihad Binaa Institution as well as other institutions started with the help of the people in all the regions and with the help of the various political forces in repairing the houses even before the state made its survey. The greater group of houses was repaired within the first months following the end of the war.
That is not the story. We will not tackle this. I am just saying that all of this was achieved with the financial aids offered by the Islamic Republic of Iran – I mean housing the people and repairing their houses. When the state came and started paying for reparations that was deserved by the people as a compensation for other losses which they were not compensated.
Still we had reconstruction of houses. Details are important so that we all get acquainted with what happened and write down the experience. We were in the government and discussion took place on the methodology of reconstructing the houses.
It goes without saying that it is supposed that the state receives aids from abroad, secure budgets, put plans and build the houses of the people. However, we have a state crisis in Lebanon which springs from the regime crisis in Lebanon and the composition crisis in Lebanon. This is a long research. In other words, if we were to reconcile and say: Yes, the Lebanese state through its administration and institutions is concerned in reconstructing the demolished houses - I don't have to interpret. You know the whole story – we would not have been here now and many would not have returned to their houses here. I am not talking with a bad intention at all.
This is ipso facto as there is the administration, the state, corruption, bureaucracy, political changes, and crises which the state was subject to. The crisis needs to be addressed. This was what must have taken place but that was unavailable.
A committee was formed then representing the government, some state ministries, some official councils as well as a committee with representatives from Hezbollah and Amal Movement. We agreed on a vision; we made discussions and ideas were presented by official sides. Indeed, it is enough to say – as I do not want to go into the details of these ideas – that were these ideas adopted you would have remained outside your houses so far.
However to be fair, I say that the governmental sides were not rigid or inflexible. It was not just one word and so it is. There was a range for discussion, openness and agreement. We offered a vision that says that as was the case in all the previous events that took place in Lebanon - the internal wars and the Israeli aggressions - the state used to compensate on the damaged. So let there be a compensation project for the damaged in the sense that a definite monetary amount is to be paid in cities and another definite monetary amount is to be paid in villages because the issue differs between the people. Thus the people might take the money and build without going to the social, operational and procedural complications.
Indeed this was not accepted at first. Discussion took place, and to be fair, I must record for brethren Speaker Nabih Berri for the great role he played in making this achievement, agreement, decision and convincing the governmental side in this idea. To be fair too, we must say that the governmental side got convinced in this idea. It was a mercy on us and on the people.
Speaker Nabih Berri is to be greatly thanked in the issue of paying the compensation. Things moved rapidly through follow up. I know the magnitude of the detailed efforts he exerted and later through his acceptance and adoption of the decision we through Waed Promise could provide the alternative on the level of Dahiyeh.
The idea of paying the first installment for the people started to be implemented. Indeed, in the South, the Bekaa, Mount Lebanon and the municipalities in general the issue was easier because people have individual houses. Everyone takes the money – and we helped a bit in the financial issue – and builds his house. If there were several houses – a building with two or three floors at most – they would be the children of one family – a father and his sons and brothers. That would be as easy issue.
The real problem was in Dahiyeh because there are buildings, owners of apartments, and tenants. There are legal issues. There is the issue of how buildings would be built as there are common parts. There is a united architect. There are great problems. Well if the people were given the money and everyone went to build on his own, how will that take place? That was a real adventure. However, we went for that adventure for we had confidence in several points:
First: we had an alternative project which later came to be called Waed Institution and Waed Project. So we could offer a civil alternative which could assume the operation of coordination, conciliation and addressing the various problems besides reconstruction.
Second: Our confidence in these sacrifice-offering noble people in the sense that should we present this idea to them the overwhelming majority of them would accept it because it is logical, acceptable and helpful.
Third: it was not clear when financing on behalf of the state would start as it was referred to the official sides which cooperated and offered help thankfully. We want to get started. We must have money to start with all the preludes and start with construction to the end apart from paying the compensation on behalf of the state. Here I go back to the Islamic Republic of Iran which also offered a generous financial aid. The fund was ready and thus we could execute the project. Now we will see the rest of compensations and aids who would contribute to us and we got started step by step.
Then I met with the people – the owners of the residential units – you remember that. It was a solemn and massive meeting in the Hall of Great Sayyeda Khadeja (Peace be upon her) following the war. I presented this decision to the people. There is no possibility that the state rebuild your houses. It will pay the compensations for the residential units and you have two choices:
The first choice is that residents of every building form a committee and agree among themselves to build the building and we are at your service. We will also help with financing and paying the differences and also improving the building because the money which will be paid by the state is not enough even to reconstruct the building as it was apart from building it better than it was and indeed we are at your service and we will not withdraw.
The other choice: We had a project and the institution will be charged on your behalf. Upon consulting you and cooperating with you, it will reconstruct these buildings.
So we are before a democratic project which is based on dialogue. No one obliged anyone to do anything. No one imposed anything on anyone. Hezbollah did not unshield the sword in face of anyone and asked them to pay what they receive from the state and we will construct your houses by force. We said choose what you want. Here the confidence of the people and the love of the people and the will of the people which I talked about a while ago appeared. The overwhelming majority of the people chose that Waed Institution be charged of this mission. It was really a very tough and difficult mission because there was a legal side in the issue. You know some buildings in Dahiyeh had violations. Some were in fact built during the war years. So through the law we would organize that. Some apartments will have a lesser area after it was vast. There were interventions from the building residents and the issue of common parts, the issue of the owners and tenants. Some buildings also had small apartments and the people were massed all over each other. That needed to be addressed and we worked on that. I do not want to go into details; however, the issue was very complicated. In fact, Waed Institution exerted a momentous effort and I thank them all. I also thank the government, the ministers, the councils, the funds, the syndicate committees, the research centers, and the consultative studies. I will not go into details because that will require a lengthy list. I will also thank the Supreme Islamic Shiite Council in Lebanon as His Eminence Sheikh Abdulamir Qabalan (May Allah guard him and prolong his life span) showed special care and unique support for Waed Project in Dahiyeh and to the general relief project through the legal and practical capacities of the Supreme Islamic Shiite Council. I also thank the municipalities in Dahiyeh and Mount Lebanon and in Beirut. All of these sides cooperated. Indeed, all of the political forces cooperated and facilitated this issue. The government paid gradually and in various intervals of time. We are working now Inshallah that it completes paying the second installment which started to take place. Concerning the Arab states, some offered financial aids to the Lebanese government and we do not know the money which was paid as compensations in Dahiyeh from which country was. This is one of the financial problems in the country now. Some money was offered to the previous government to spend in reconstruction. There is a discussion in the country where this money was spent. Indeed there is a part of this money which was spent in reconstruction or else where from the state would state pay? Well, where was the rest of the money paid? We have such problems.
Anyway, no matter which Arab state true money reached Dahiyeh, we address it with high esteem and gratitude. Special thanks to the residents who cooperated and tolerated much as brethren Hajj Hassan Jishi said concerning the details of the procedures of the work. This appeals to us; that doesn't. Here we want this. Here that is possible; there it is not possible… Here that is possible. So it was a long journey of exhaustion, effort and patience. Praise be to Allah it was crowned with this great result. We must thank Waed Institution and especially brethren Engineer Hassan Jishi for his faithful indulgence all day and night to make this job a success. I thank all the brethrens and the sisters who worked in Waed Institution to reach today's achievement – Praise be to Allah.
Again as brethren Hajj Hassan Jishi explained - I do not want to go into details on the financial perspective and the costs of the project in Dahiyeh - he mentioned half of the costs. Indeed there is the state of Kuwait – i.e. Kuwaiti Fund. It is clear that with a definite amount of money it assumed constructing a number of the buildings in Dahiyeh in a direct way. The other states paid to the government.
Again special thanks to leadership, president, government and people of the Islamic Republic of Iran. After all, since the very beginning was it not for the Iranian funding we could not have got started and made this achievement in five years and several months. This funding made possible the opportunity to carry on in work apart from the capabilities of the government and its financial capacities. After all, the project was wrapped with better specifics taking into consideration the problems which Hajj Hassan mentioned and taking into consideration the high costs during the past years as there are great price differences which are supposed to be compensated. Consequently, should the government offer the rest of the second installment and we take into consideration the rest of the aids that will mount to half of the costs of reconstructing the buildings in Dahiyeh. The other half was covered by the Islamic Republic in Iran. We accompany our thanks to it with praying on Prophet Mohammad and his Household.
I will wrap up the section which has to do with July War, Dahiyeh and reconstruction so as to move to the political points briefly. This section stresses the great significance of war.
We were confronting a war of demolition. Brothers and sisters! I asked the brethrens to provide me with definite polls. I will read to you some of them. During the 33 days of its war with the Resistance in Lebanon and those who back it and over a very limited operational region – so it is not the entire area of Lebanon – which is the part of the Lebanese territory which was stage for the operations, the Israeli enemy launched 10000 aerial war raids with warplanes which launched rockets. You remember how many rocket they used to launch in every raid. Do you still remember the raid over Imam Hassan (Peace be upon him) residential compound and Sayyed Al Awsiyaa (Peace be upon him) compound? It was like an earthquake on that day. They launched 3000 aerial raids. Let's talk about air raids. In 1967 and in face of the Arab states, the total number of the aerial tours and not raids – that is because they may make a tour without raiding – over all the Arab states partaking in the war of 1967 was 4338. In Lebanon, the number was 15500 Israeli warplanes tours. So the number is manifold. The Arab states mean Egypt, Syria, the West Bank, Gaza and Jordan. All of these countries were stage for the operations. However, where was the stage of operations here? It was a large area in the south and a large area in Bekaa and Dahiyeh (25 kilometers squared). There were some targets in Mount Liban and in the North. This shows the magnitude of anger and wrath nurtured by those and they are righteous in that because the resistance in Lebanon afflicted the Israeli enemy with the first true defeat when it imposed on it a humiliating disgraceful unconditional withdrawal from southern Lebanon in May 25th 2000.
As for artillery shells, let me tell you what they did in 1967. The number of Israeli artillery shells of all kinds and on all the Arab states, Arab armies and Arab targets was 75000. During July War and on the limited operation region 177000 artillery shells were rocketed. What was the goal then? When some people say the goal was to crush, these are the indications of crushing. Some investigations were made in Israel following the war, and they were issued. The results of the investigation are in the following text:
"The act of the artillery was haphazard; the haphazard usage had led to the consumption of the ammunition – not only the vital ammunition but also the Israeli strategic reserve storages had reached the red line. Thus Israel got in need for an aerial route to receive ammunition and rockets and shells though the domain of operations was very limited."
This was the demolition war you faced; however, Praise be to Allah with our will we could reconstruct altogether – the government, the people, the army, the resistance, the ministries, the institutions and the friendly and supporting countries. We could stay in our land and remain steadfast. Even more, during these past years, the resistance which they wanted to crush gained more power in number and in ammunition. It gained more power to deter, to confront and to make victory. In the past and in July War, the enemy used to bomb buildings in Dahiyeh to hurt its people and residents knowing that these buildings comprise no offices for Hezbollah and its members. We did not then have the power but to put a limited equation to protect the capital. We then said we will strike Haifa in return for striking Dahiyeh, and if they strike Beirut, we will hit Tel Aviv in return. However today I reiterate the oath with you:
O people of Dahiyeh! The hand which you built with and resist with is on the trigger to firmly impose on the Israelis a true balance. The very number of buildings which might be demolished in Dahiyeh will be demolished in return in Tel Aviv. I will reveal a secret, and I do not want to be 100% sure. Perhaps in 2006, we could strike Tel Aviv; however, we wanted to protect the capital Beirut. Thus we did not resort to striking Tel Aviv. However, today we are not only able to strike Tel Aviv as a city. God willing, and with Allah's might we are able to strike very specific targets in Tel Aviv and even anywhere else in Occupied Palestine.
Time is over when we were to leave or homes and they didn't leave their houses which they built on usurped land. Time is over when we were to be displaced and they didn't. Time is over when our houses are demolished and their houses remained intact. Time is over when we used to feel scared and they didn't. I even say time is due when we will remain and they cease to exist.
I will move to the topic of Palestine and Gaza. We are celebrating the construction of the buildings in Dahiyeh while looking at the demolished houses in Gaza most of which has not been rebuilt yet. As far as I know, a very limited number has been rebuilt with humble internal capabilities. Today from Dahiyeh, I call on the Arab and Islamic states and all the vital powers in this nation to extend the hand of help to our people in Gaza to enable them to rebuild their houses and residences.
Some Arabs may protest saying Gaza is besieged now and there is no possibility to pass in iron, cement and the primary construction materials. However it seems that the blessing of having tunnels is one way or another helping the people of Gaza meet their needs. Here I am saying: Provide the people of Gaza with money and let them manage their own affairs and they are ready to do that. It is not allowed that all of these years have passed following war and still the majority of the owners or the residents of these demolished houses are still displaced without having any hope to return. So let no Arab state set as a condition of lifting the siege on Gaza to reconstruct the houses. They are not doing so; but if only they offer the money. We too, Inshallah, will try to get involved seriously in this project one way or another. Through my meeting with some of the internal Palestinian leaderships I came to know that there is a true and serious possibility to reconstruct a great number of these buildings and residences should the money be available to Gaza.
In the same framework, we must express our solidarity and support to the Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails. There are more than 3 thousand Palestinian prisoners who started a hunger strike. Some are now in their fourth week, and they really need a true momentous stand of solidarity. For example, when we were following up with the developments in Bahrain and the cause of the legal activist Abdulhadi Khawaja who was leading a hunger strike, his family was shouting. The people in Bahrain were yelling and no one in the world was responding. For the first glance, I thought that was part of the injustice Bahrain is suffering from. However now thousands of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails have started a hunger strike and they have been in this state for the fourth week and still no one took a move. Neither the Arab League, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the United Nations, the Security Council, nor the European Union took any move. Several strikers are on the verge of death and martyrdom and still no move is taken. This is very distressful.
Anyway, I do not want to make any condemnations or to categorize the stance as you are acquainted with that. I want to call on the governments, states and peoples of the Arab and Islamic world: let's rise and make a true weighty stand to back these prisoners in jails. I call on the Iraqi government as it is the head of the Arab Summit at this stage to make a true and vital initiative. Let it gather the Arab foreign ministers and form an Arab follow-up committee or let the OIC refer the cause to the UN Security Council and the Human Rights societies in Geneva. They are only good at doing what they did for Syria. Why don't you do all what you did for Syria – though there is no norm for comparison. Where are the Arabs? Where are the Arab ministers? Where are the Arab governments? These are Arab prisoners in Israeli jails.
There is one undisputed cause among us. We might differ over Syria, Iraq, Bahrain, Yemen, and Egypt… However, we do not differ over Palestine. Amid this Arab and Islamic consensus, where are the Arabs and where are the Muslims? This is a voice which we must unleash.
I will only hint to a point which is forming the so called national unity cabinet in the Israeli entity. This is a stance that needs contemplation. Indeed everyone in the Arab world is as busy as always. We always know how to occupy ourselves so as to ignore what is taking place in the enemy's entity that is resting on our sanctities and kneeling on the chest of our region and peoples. This indication needs to be posed at and scrutinized. The brethrens in Gaza are showing fear from this change or development as I have noticed. Thus I am calling for contemplating this point.
There's still a Palestinian affair which I have to tackle but from a Lebanese perspective. I am calling for ushering seriously in the project of rebuilding Nahr Al Bared Refugee Camp. For how long must the sufferings of the Palestinian refugees who reside in Nahr Al Bared and the Lebanese families who used to live in the camp or its neighborhood continue? There are no financial or procedural reasons for this procrastination. It may be put only in the sphere of political suspicion.
In this framework also, we must warn against something which the Palestinian factions in Lebanon noticed. We must warn against the project of turning the Palestinians in Lebanon from refugees to a community. This is very dangerous on the political and social levels. Turning the Palestinians to a community is a free service to the Israeli enemy. It is a cancellation to the right to return, to the project of return and to the demand of the Palestinians to return to their houses, fields and properties in Occupied Palestine. Thus we are with the Palestinian factions. We refuse to turn the Palestinians in Lebanon to a community in the framework of whatever deal. At the same time, we call for providing them with their humanistic rights as refugees. These are just humanistic rights, and as we want to protect the political title for the Palestinian brethrens residing in Lebanon, it is obligatory from this perspective that Nahr Al Bared Camp be reconstructed because it is a title for the right to return and for the Palestinian cause which must not be forgotten or neglected.
Now I move to Bahrain. The ongoing popular peaceful movement in Bahrain reflects a high level of steadfastness, patience, faith and endurance, despite the harm they are facing. There is something concerning Hezbollah which I am obliged to comment on. I have read in some of the declarations made by some foreign political sides - and this was also mentioned in some internet sites and I am afraid the Bahraini youth might be misled by that because after all we in Hezbollah as well as Palestine are adored by the youth and people in Bahrain and this is clear in all demonstrations – that Hezbollah in Lebanon is pushing toward violence in Bahrain or is calling on youthful groups to stage security or military operations in Bahrain. This is sheer lies, delusions and falsifications. We do not and will not do so. We believe and support what the leadership of the Bahraini opposition, led by His Eminence Ayatollah Sheikh Issa Qassem (May Allah guard him and all the people of Bahrain), believes in by insisting on peaceful movement. With time this peaceful movement has embarrassed the authority of Al-Khalifa in the Arab world and worldwide. Ultimately, they could not afford to ignore this incessant movement, this loud cry, this patience and this standing of pain. Consequently, Allah Al Mighty will provide those patient, faithful, truthful people who are keen on guarding their nation and their unity a way out.
In fact, I believe the Bahraini Regime is the one pushing towards armed confrontations or wishes that violence will be perpetrated by some of the youthful groups in the Bahrain Opposition so that it makes use of this violence to bring down the peaceful demonstrations and strike these leaderships, displace these leaderships or hurl some of these leaderships in prisoners while holding them responsible for violence at a time these leaderships are truly and faithfully announcing their confidence and commitment to peaceful action. We join our voice to the brave, wise and trustworthy leadership and call on our people in Bahrain to be patient on their peaceful action and track because going in any other track would be wrong and would lead to squandering all the goals and the sacrifices offered so far.
As far as Syria is concerned, yesterday we all condemned – and I believe that many of the posts in the world and even those against Syria and the regime in Syria were obliged to condemn the terrorist suicide attacks that hit Damascus and led to a great number of martyrs and injured. Indeed some are still silent on what took place. Today Allah Al Mighty spared our noble people in Aleppo a true catastrophe when a suicide attacker was discovered driving his car loaded with a thousand kilograms of TNT explosives. That would have been a real catastrophe which might have taken place in Aleppo. Indeed what we heard yesterday is absurd and ridiculous: Some Arab satellite channels and opposition figures had accused the Syrian regime of standing behind these attacks. This is funny. You daily say that Syria's is a security regime, an intelligence regime, and a military regime. How come a security system sends suicide bombers - if it has suicide bombers - and booby-trapped cars to destroy its intelligence and security centers? It's illogical to present what is taking place in Syria as such.
I would like to assert to you and based on yesterday's scene that the very hands that trifled with Iraq, the people of Iraq and the institutions of Iraq and destroyed, killed, perpetrated massacres and stroke mosques, churches, markets and state centers, public administrations and streets without any humanistic feels is the very hand and mind which want to destroy Syria now. Do suicide operations lead to reforms and the democratic operation in Syria? My address to the Syrian people and my stand as well as that of Hezbollah and the brethrens are well known. Day after day we are becoming increasingly convinced in our stance that there are some who want the downfall of Syria only because they want to get rid of the main supporter of the resistance in Lebanon and Palestine. America, the West, Israel and some regional sides want that only and only to revenge from the state, people, leadership, and army which supported the resistance in Lebanon and the resistance in Palestine and thus we triumphed and the project of George Bush to establish a Neo Middle East had gone with the wind. This is how we comprehend the issue.
What's taking place in Syria are not calls for reform or democracy. The gate of reforms has been opened and parliamentary elections were held in poor security, social media and provocative conditions. Still the participation rate which some tried to challenge was higher than that in some calm European countries, Latin America or some Arab countries. So someone had opened the door before reform with much seriousness, momentum and determination.
In brief, I say the Syrian people are before two approaches. There is the approach of reform and change and addressing things in a political way through which people would have the chance to participate in true multiplicity. On the other hand, there are a destructive mind, a destructive hand as well as parties who are ready to provide weapons, money, explosives and suicide bombers. It is not necessary that the suicide bombers be Syrian. As was the case in Iraq, some Iraqis used to provide the infrastructure of the suicide operations but the suicide attackers used to be imported to Iraq after being exported from several Arab and Islamic states and even from Arab and Islamic governments to get rid of those who used to form a complexity and invest them in this battle.
The Syrian people are before two methodologies: either they are to go to dialogue, reforms, elections, participation and cooperation or this sample that is being represented now. We have witnessed horrible images for this sample during the dire years in Iraq and we are still witnessing that in Iraq. At the time when there were noble resistance men who were fighting the occupation, thousands of suicide operations – Al Qaeda Organization has admitted that – used to be staged against civilians, mosques, churches, markets, Husseiniyas, temples, the army, Iraqi security forces, Iraqi police and Iraqi volunteers who had no job opportunities whether they were Sunnite, Shiites, Turks, or Turkmen. They used to line up before the voluntary services centers. The suicide bomber used to detonate himself and kill hundred or 150 men. This massive killing is not unsystematic. There is a specific methodology, mind and vision that stand behind this killing. May this methodology, mind, intellect and vision be the future of Syria? The Syrian people are to answer this question.
I have a couple of words on the Lebanese affair.
We are before a new stage. It seems that the parliamentary elections have got started already. Indeed we must stress on the importance of the parliamentary council institution. It is on top of all institutions. It elects the president of the republic. It nominates the Premier. It gives the vote of trust to the government. It holds the government accountable. It gives it the vote of no trust or topples the government. It sets rules and legislations. The parliament is the most important institution. The only political elections in Lebanon are the parliamentary elections. We politicize the municipal elections in Lebanon. The parties politicize them or else the municipal elections are almost familial, social and developmental elections. So the parliamentary elections are the only political elections in Lebanon. In Lebanon, we do not elect the president. In Lebanon, we do not carry a referendum on anything whether the constitution, constitutional amendments, general policies or tracks.
So the assertion on the parliament leads to the assertion of the importance of parliamentary elections what imposes the importance of the elections law. Thus as far as the elections law is concerned, we tell all the political forces in Lebanon that this issue deserves to be addressed premeditatedly. We carry on having discussions and dialogue and making researches. We still have time. Usually in Lebanon, during the last two or three weeks, they jam themselves. We can make use of time starting from now. I hope that neither we nor others close the door tight before any draft or idea saying it is as such and only as such. If everyone said it is this and only this, how are we to reach elections that really express true representation? Thus first as far as the election law is concerned, we call to more dialogue, that we do not get bored of each other, that we do not get frustrated from each other. We must always make discussions and carry on dialogue. No one must impose his choice on the other party. If anyone thinks in this way, that is wrong. On the contrary, I say this is my choice and idea and I set for discussion. I try to make a public opinion. I try to convince the political forces and the parliamentary blocs.
Also as far as the elections are concerned, there is a point that I like to stress before saying a word on the election law. We are with carrying parliamentary elections on time. Let no one give any excuse. Some people might not want parliamentary elections to take place. Thus they have already started to hold others responsible. We witnessed a campaign that started before Feltman's visit and ended before his visit was wrapped. Now they go back to renew this campaign. Before Feltman's visit the campaign mounted to no elections in the presence of arms. You mean you do not want elections because arms still exist. That means you do not want elections, and that means there will be no elections while arms continue to exist.
As I have always said the weapons that would affect elections are individual and small weapons which all Lebanese have. Let no one claim that he does not have arms. All Lebanese have arms. If I want to impose a list on the residents of Bint Jbeil for example or the people of Baalbeck, do I shell on them a Zilzal Rocket and tell them vote for this list! Those who want to use arms might resort to Kalashnikov. Kalashnikov is available with all the Lebanese. This rhetoric is for the market. When they say No elections while arms exist they mean our arms – the arms of the resistance. This contradicts with the elections and the soundness of representation. Thus we must say that 2005 elections are null and void, and what is based on what is void is void. The elections of 2009 are void and what is based on what is void is void and that means that your majority was void and your government was void. Let's be through with this rhetoric.
The elections must take place on their due time. This is a national interest, and that is for the interest of all the Lebanese. We are all concerned in paving the way for the natural and sound atmosphere for carrying the parliamentary elections on their due time.
As for the elections law, we speak from a national perspective and not from the party's perspective. If we speak from the party's perspective, I would like to tell you should any elections law be adopted, Hezbollah will preserve its parliamentary quota. No matter which elections law is adopted – 60, 2000, majority, proportional, five districts, six districts, or middle districts, our quota is secured. However what results from the elections law is in fact an imbalance or disorder in national representation. Many sections nurture the feeling of being unrepresented in the parliament and that in fact they are unable to reach the parliament. When we head to the majority system whether we set broad, middle or narrow districts such as the law of 60, the major political forces form rollers. These political forces in Lebanon could collect a number of votes in this district and in that district. If these votes are added, they will have a deputy or two or three. However, in the majority system, they will have no deputy in the parliament. So they feel they are ruled out and marginalized and thus frustrated.
As a large party, our interest might be in the majority system or a definite district division. Thus we form rollers with our allies and move forward. However, should we think from a national perspective and want that every section in Lebanon feel that it is represented in the parliament, if we thought of a true representation in the parliament, we rightfully, objectively and fairly say that the proportional representation is the best system because it doesn't negate anyone. It rather eliminates unilateralism among sects. Yes, that's true. It eliminates unilateralism among sects. That is true. Well, who says that unilateralism in sects is something good for Lebanon or unilateralism in regions is something good for Lebanon? Proportional representation gives a chance for bilateral and trilateral representation in regions and in sects. That means the best representation in the parliament. I do not want to explain the good points in proportional representation. I rather want to say that we in Hezbollah back proportional representation. If Lebanon is a large electoral district that would be excellent or else let it be five districts or broad districts to guarantee the best representation possible. That's because in small districts and when percentages are set, some might not achieve the demanded percentage so they remain unrepresented. My brethrens, deputies, centers, media and I will Inshallah explain this idea and participate because some have preceded us to that. We are discussing this idea with our allies, friends and partners in the nation. Still I tell you we will not shut the door and say either it is proportional representation or there will be no parliamentary elections or either it is proportional representation or typhoon. No! That is incorrect in national and internal political practice.
Here I reach the last point I want to comment on and I hope you will listen to me though I have reached the end of my speech. I want to comment a little bit on May 7 and May 11 events. Every year like this time, this issue is evoked and is invested by definite political sides in Lebanon. Indeed it is used to cause sectarian or factional instigation. There are three backgrounds for that. It is either that they say that Hezbollah wants to respond or not. So let's evoke this issue because this issue may provoke the feelings and emotions and we may through it cause factional and sectarian instigations and thus we may bolster our movement, party and society whether Hezbollah responds or not. It may either be that as long as Hezbollah does not respond, it seems that its logic is weak. So let's attack it. Indeed they lack strong logic and strong representation to a great degree.
Finally it may be that they always want to drag us into a contest. They talk and we talk then the country will flare up with speeches and contests. The sensitive point here is that they always seek to give the issue a Shiite-Sunnite dimension. They would say we will evoke this contest. Should Hezbollah remain silent we will win and should Hezbollah answer, we will win too. On whose expense you will win? It's at the expense of tightening the people and the street.
I will tell you first that if we want to head to peaceful, sound and true elections and if we want to guard our country's security and stability, we must evade instigation. All sects must avoid instigation because instigation leads to an uncontrolled security situation. Who is able to control the security situation in Lebanon? Our entire surrounding is hurling with events and developments and pressing psychological situations. On the contrary, in Lebanon we say we are concerned to cooperate to guard security and stability and to avoid any clashes though there is a severe political division and even a severe media division on some causes such as Syria and other countries and the arms of the resistance. So still let's guard the general atmosphere. When things move to this level of speech and this level of instigation we need to make quiet comments.
When we do not comment or respond, that does not mean we are weak at all. We are rather guarding the atmosphere in the country. We take pains that no one drags this country to further sectarian or factional tension and that no one drags this country to any internal confrontation or to events that may be uncontrollable by any of us. Or else we have our given, documents, records and the recourses of allies and friends who were in May 7 on that events and what was being prepared to Beirut and Lebanon through bringing along thousands of fighters to Beirut. Should anyone deny that, it's his own business. However that is known. We have given and readings on summoning thousands of fighters, jamming Beirut with arms sites, preparing for an operation plan in Beirut via that incident, and seeking to evoke a Shiite-Sunnite ordeal in Lebanon. Based on that, Arab and international intervention will be summoned after Israel failed in July War. We are daily ready to talk on this in a calm language as well as in an instigative language. However, where to will that lead the country?
We also have our given on the governmental decision then in May 5 to target the signal weapon in the Resistance. Several days ago I had an internal meeting with some brethrens who are concerned in communications and the signal weapon. We were talking and they interpreted what took place in July War and what might happen later. Day after day, the importance of wiry weapons in any confrontation that might take place is being emphasized. The government then took a decision to strike this weapon which is not one of the important weapons of the resistance but rather the most important weapon in the resistance ever. To whose interest that decision was? It was to the interest of America and Israel. It also decided to evoke an ordeal between Hezbollah, the Lebanese Army, the security forces, and the official security institutions.
Hezbollah may stand up and say we could knock out sedition. We prevented Shiite-Sunnite sedition. We nipped it in its bud. We guarded the country against sectarian and factional fighting. We guarded the resistance. We guarded what guards the country and deters the enemy. We offered dear martyrs of whom we are proud. We are never ashamed of them. We did not target or wanted to get involved in any struggle with anyone whether from this sect or that sect. We took pains to nip the ordeal in its bud and to swath wounds and address the crisis. The wire phone remained intact, the ordeal flopped and the conspiracy was met with frustration.
We have much to say. We have data, documentaries and footages. We have many eloquent speakers and poets too. In psychological war, even Israel can't remain at equal footage with us and it acknowledges our supremacy in psychological war. You want to get involved in an instigative psychological and media war with us! We are not weak! We are not shy! Not at all!
Yes, we said these events were unfortunate because they wanted to employ Beirut and the people in Beirut against the resistance and the arms of the resistance at a time this resistance is one of the hopes of the Lebanese, the Palestinian people and the nation. What took place must not have taken place.
Anyone who wants to approach these events must do that from all perspectives. He should not take one scene, one perspective or one term. What took place in Beirut was a confrontation. It is not an attack by one sect on another or by one party on another. It is a confrontation which has its reasons, circumstances and local, regional and international backgrounds. That's why I hope this event is not employed. So far we have decided not to get involved in any contest. I will stop here. Later they will understand that and the people will assert on that when they hear them. We were silent because we care and not because we are weak. We want to guard the country. We are not weak in our logic, pretexts and speech. On the contrary, we wanted to cure all of these wounds.
Well, yes this is being employed today - Sorry, I have to talk frankly at the end of my word - by Future Bloc and I believe they will continue employing it until elections are due because they don't have anything else which they may employ. What is the great reformist national project which Future Bloc may present after all these experiences the Lebanese people passed through? Future Bloc makes haste to employ sectarian language. They in no time change the issue and flare Sunni-Shiite sedition. This is incorrect.
May 7 events were not between Shiites and Sunnites. They were between a definite alliance and Future Bloc in Beirut. It never was against the people of Beirut or against the Sunnites in Beirut. They tried to give the issue a sectarian perspective. They approached the issue from a sectarian or factional perspective in some regions as what happened in the North. Future Bloc will carry on employing this language because they insist on unilateralism in the Sunnite section. Do you know why? That's because Future Bloc is very extremist in refusing proportional representation though they have wide masses. We may understand the reasons of the Social Progressive Party but Future Bloc has vast expansion which no one may deny. Still Future Bloc may not claim unilateral representation for a definite sect as we can't claim unilateral representation for a definite sect.
Let's highlight this point. In 2009 elections, media, political, sectarian and factional instigation was employed by Future Bloc against the other lists of our Sunnite brethrens who belonged to the Opposition then – i.e. to this alliance. They call it March 8, the national Opposition or whatever. In all regions from the North to the South, there was instigation against the Sunnites in the Opposition lists which oppose Future Bloc.
It was said they are killers. They said some of them were converted to Shiites. Some were accused of collaboration. No name was spared being used against them. They were terrorized. Fire was opened against some houses. Others' cars were exploded. You still remember the events of 2009, don't you? The blood of Martyr PM Rafiq Hariri was used against them. A billion and 200 million dollars were spent by the other party in 2009 elections. Still statistics show that 35% of the Sunnite voters at least gave their vote to the track opposing Future Bloc. That was the percentage in the worst political, factional, media, financial, security and terrorist conditions. How would these 35% express themselves? Through the proportional representation elections law no one may say I am the leader of the Sunnites or I represent the Sunnites and as I am the leader of the Sunnite no one knows what deals I do and what business I do. Let's say no more.
Let's head towards proportional representation. Then everyone would say who represents the Sunnites and who represents the Shiites and who represents the Christians and who represents the Druze and who represents all the sects and we will have precise representation.
I would like to make a call against using these events in contests that might harm the country and a call to evade sectarian and factional instigation and the general atmosphere prevailing in the region. The instigation flared by some uncontrolled, valueless, irreligious persons on some internet sites and pages – whether Sunnites or Shiites – is enough.
This is our country. See what is taking place against us. Let's preserve the integrity of our country, the stability of our country, and the security of our country. All of us agree to let the parliamentary elections decide.
In 2009 elections, when you won the majority based on the political composition then, we congratulated you saying May Allah bless you. We said we do not want to talk about money, counterfeiting, bribing voters… Under all these conditions we congratulated you and dealt with you as a majority. We told you then we were ready to participate in a national unity government.
Well we agree that the parliamentary elections decide. We agree that the political operation in Lebanon decides. We will not let arms decide. We did not and will not let arms decide. Never!
So our responsibility is to guard the country. All of us must seek to provide a sound and intact atmosphere for the political operation that reconstructs Lebanon on the political level on the basis of true representation and true and correct participation for all the sects, factions, sections and forces of the Lebanese people.
Again I felicitate you on this day and on this occasion for the achievement and the victory. May Allah bless you. Peace be upon you and Allah mercy and blessings.
Brothers and sisters! Peace be upon you and Allah's Mercy and blessings. I am glad to welcome you all in this blessed ceremony that marks this great achievement.
First, this ceremony and meeting of ours coincide with a dear and precious occasion which is the fragranced birthday of our Lady – the Woman of all women – Sayyeda Fatima the daughter of the Prophet of Allah Mohammad (Peace be upon him). This great solemn lady from the Prophet's Household whom Allah {Only wishes to remove all abomination from you, Ye Member of the family, and to make you absolutely pure} and the kinship whom Allah ordered us to love in return for the greatest revelation and the sacrifices of the greatest Messenger is the Lady who is the sovereign of the ladies of this nation and their representative with the Prophet of Allah for the earnest prayers. She is as the Prophet of Allah (Peace be upon him) said about her: "The mother of her father" His soul" and "The lady of Heaven's women".
We meet this concurrence between our ceremony and achievement and the occasion with a good omen. I felicitate you, all Muslims in the world and her grandson – Imam Mahdi (peace be upon him) – on this great ceremony.
Brothers and sisters! The occasion of our ceremony is well known to all, and it will be the primary topic of my speech.
I would like to tackle reconstructing Dahiyeh within a general framework to the effect of the importance of this experience, its symbolism, contents, implications and moral as well as show some gratitude to those who were true partners in today's achievement. Inshallah in the extra time I will handle some political topics on the regional and Lebanese level.
There are some points which I might hint to as headlines. In May and the coming months, there are many occasions to mark. Thus my brethrens and I may tackle these headlines in details. Thus I will make general hints to some topics. Everyone knows the aim of July War. It was to crush the resistance. The aim was not to disarm the resistance or pull it out from the area to the south of Litany or to restore the two prisoners or anything of this sort. The aim was to crush the resistance and to make Lebanon succumb and fit in as part of the major changes which are prepared for the region and especially Palestine and Syria and later on Iran i.e. to make a Neo Middle East and consequently adjoin Lebanon and the whole region to the US-Israeli-yielding Arabs axis project. The war failed to achieve any of its goals. All through the past years that followed the war, many as well as we tackled that war, its aims, tracks, repercussions and results in various fields whether political, security, military, moral, psychological, economic, social, reconstruction…. I will tackle the socio-psychological dimension and reconstruction as briefly as possible.
The question has always been: Why did the Israeli enemy resort to this magnitude of destruction when confronting a resistance or an enemy that is fighting it?
Why doesn't it limit itself to field combat? Why doesn't it limit itself to targeting military posts and military goals? The enemy rather intentionally expands its aggression to demolish the greatest number of homes, commercial shops, markets, schools and infrastructure. What is the reason behind that? Is there true military need for that?
No! In fact what the Israeli enemy is perpetrating in this perspective are war crimes. The enemy's nature is criminal and terrorist. He who resorts to this magnitude of demolition has an aim behind that. That's because the Israeli enemy has a theory. The milieu which embraces any resistance movement whether in Palestine, Lebanon or in any other place must suffer and feel pain. Its life must turn to a true hell. It must live a miserable life. It must pay the price of its choice of being a resistant milieu and of supporting the resistance. After all, the resistance is the fruit of its milieu. It is the fruit of these men and women and mothers and fathers. This social component forms a source of pressure. The Israeli enemy intends to change the life of people to hell in any confrontation. The enemy resorts to 'cauterizing awareness' in their terminology. They want you to know very well that confronting the enemy has very expensive prices. If you want to live in an area in which there is a terrorist criminal entity which is Israel and if you want to live a honorable, noble life and if you want to defend your land and guard your honor and still keep your head raised high with pride, you must offer invaluable sacrifices and you must be ready to offer valuable sacrifices. If you are not ready for that, you have to accept morsels and bits. You have to accept the little the Americans and the Israelis offer you whether the narrow margin of personal freedom or the piece of land on which you practice a municipal rule or be a mayor of a town. You must accept that your refugees and people remain in exodus and that you remain humiliated, submissive and yielding. This is 'cauterizing awareness'. In face of this destructive war there was a war too. There was confrontation, and there was resistance. In face of military confrontation there was military resistance. In face of security confrontation there was security resistance. In face of media confrontation and psychological and political war there was a resistance of this very nature. The same applies to the war of demolition and the war of touching the will, morals and determination. In face of them there were a war of construction, a war of determination, a war of remaining in the land, and a war of steadfastness. This is what is expressed in the construction project which took place in all regions in Lebanon, a part of which was Waed Project which aimed at constructing the buildings in Dahiyeh. Thus as we celebrated the great divine victory on September 22nd, 2006 in Dahiyeh, we are celebrating today another victory which is the victory of construction in face of the war of destruction. It is even more the victory of the will – the will to remain in the land, the will to remain steadfast, the will to live an honorable noble life and not the life of whatever form. That's because life under humiliation, disgrace and occupation is not life; it is rather death.
Today we are celebrating this victory – the victory of construction and will to remain steadfastly in our land. The owners of the residential units all over Lebanon and especially in Dahiyeh insisted on rebuilding their homes and apartments in their very places. They were able – when they received the first payment and Inshallah they will receive the second payment – to say that we do not want to reconstruct here and to live in Dahiyeh. They would have said we want to travel abroad and migrate to the various countries of immigration as is the case of the people of the whole region. However they said we want to remain here; we want to come back to our houses here; we want to live here; we want to die here… This is the message of this celebration and achievement, and this is how the Israeli enemy would receive it.
The issue is not that of cement and walls. The story is that of the will of the people to remain steadfastly here.
Before this achievement, I would like first to salute and offer my high esteem to the souls of the martyrs of July War – the martyrs of heroism and resistance. Was it not for their youthful arms and chaste blood we would not have remained alive and this construction or victory or achievement wouldn't have taken place.
Brothers and sisters! We want to talk a bit on Waed Project before moving to the political points. During the final days of July War – specifically during the last week – it was clear that the war is moving towards the end. The enemy failed to achieve any of its targets. It has no ability to carry on for reasons we have talked lengthily about before and I will not reiterate now. So things were moving towards the final days and we will be before very great and new challenges and trials.
Then we were thinking thoroughly how to get ready to confront these challenges. Indeed some of these challenges were media; others were political and others were moral. Thus the battle started: Was there a defeat? Was there a victory? Was what took place a defeat for the enemy only?
You know that those who were betting on us being crushed, killed and slaughtered and that on our, your and the disjointed limbs of the nationals in Lebanon a Neo Middle East would be found realized that the war flopped. They went somewhere else to deny our victory or to belittle the importance of this victory.
That was the battle. There was also a military and field challenge to draw lessons and morals and to get prepared to what is coming. There were also humanistic, popular, social and living challenges.
Under the title of humanistic, living and popular challenge come a number of issues one of which is the return of the displaced. That means that then we were thinking: Well, should a ceasefire take place or the military operations stop on August 13, 14 or 15, that means that things will be over within days. The first challenge is the displaced. Hundreds of thousands of the displaced who left their homes want to return. We know the nature of these people.
You remember that on August 14th, the people decided to return. They returned with utmost bravery and steadfastness. They confronted tough risks. Statistics then said that the Israelis during the final days threw over southern Lebanon 4 million cluster bombs. This number might be really humble before the true facts.
Under all conditions, the return of the displaced is a challenge. Opening the roads and clearing the ruins were another challenges as well as demining the residential regions and roads which people travel. We will have plenty of time later to clear the open areas. There was also housing the displaced. Well the displaced would return to their villages and towns. Where will they reside? This was another challenge. Repairing the semi-demolished houses and reconstructing the totally demolished houses was a challenge. Reconstructing the public infrastructure was a challenge.
We must be ready to confront all these challenges and trials. Indeed there is no time to talk about all these issues. I will tackle my primary topic; however this was the general course.
During those days, I contacted the brethrens in the Islamic Republic in Iran – Let's talk openly. I contacted the brethrens in Iran during the days of the war and while shelling was still taking place. The agreement was not made yet. We told the brethrens we will face this challenge. Indeed there are some who bet upon the end of the war on pushing things towards social crises in the country to besiege the resistance and embarrass it. I received data from saloons and sessions to this effect saying well soon war will be over. They were spared from death. However they have hundreds of thousands of displaced. Tens of thousands of families have no place to go. There is drastic destruction. How will they face that? Terms were used which I do not wish to use because I am against all forms of instigation. However there are things which one may say within a definite limit.
That was a true challenge. That was a true bet. The resistance was severely targeted when the war was over; however from the socio-living perspective.
I will not fail to tell you that His Eminence Imam Leader Great Ayatollah Sayyed Khamenai (May Allah prolong his lifespan) generously answered our call. There was also a true response from President Mahmoud Ahmadi Nejad. We must say things as they are. During those days, we received some money from the tracks we used to receive capabilities and arms from.
When I promised you on the last day of the war, I trusted in Allah Al Mighty and confident of the brethren, ally and friend. We received the support. Thus when the military operations ceased, the general organizational body was ready. We as well as the brethrens in Amal Movement and the other friendly and ally political movements and forces showed up in Dahiyeh and the various regions as well as the engineering bodies and societies, municipalities, societies and civil institutions.
From the very first day work started. We did not wait for the state and the institutions of the state. That is the state apart from its capabilities and capacities – that is if its intention was good and I do not want to discuss intentions now – is slow and needs time. As for us, the hour and the day were of great importance because things had to do with the honor of these people.
The most pressing issue was the return of the displaced, housing them, and repairing the houses which were not totally demolished so that within months they may be habitable. Actually we started working. I believe that this experience is unprecedented in the history of wars. I am not sure and I do not know. I am talking as far as I know. War is over. More than a hundred thousand residential units are totally or partially demolished. Tens of thousands of families are homeless. A side shows up and within few days contacts the families in an organized way. It provides them with a financial aid to rent a house for a year and furnish it in an acceptable way as a prelude to making reparations and reconstruction. That led to the housing of tens of thousands of displaced within the available capabilities. It was supposed that no family remain in the street or in a camp. You know there were many houses for rent. The real estate market in Lebanon was inactive.
As far as repairing is concerned, Jihad Binaa Institution as well as other institutions started with the help of the people in all the regions and with the help of the various political forces in repairing the houses even before the state made its survey. The greater group of houses was repaired within the first months following the end of the war.
That is not the story. We will not tackle this. I am just saying that all of this was achieved with the financial aids offered by the Islamic Republic of Iran – I mean housing the people and repairing their houses. When the state came and started paying for reparations that was deserved by the people as a compensation for other losses which they were not compensated.
Still we had reconstruction of houses. Details are important so that we all get acquainted with what happened and write down the experience. We were in the government and discussion took place on the methodology of reconstructing the houses.
It goes without saying that it is supposed that the state receives aids from abroad, secure budgets, put plans and build the houses of the people. However, we have a state crisis in Lebanon which springs from the regime crisis in Lebanon and the composition crisis in Lebanon. This is a long research. In other words, if we were to reconcile and say: Yes, the Lebanese state through its administration and institutions is concerned in reconstructing the demolished houses - I don't have to interpret. You know the whole story – we would not have been here now and many would not have returned to their houses here. I am not talking with a bad intention at all.
This is ipso facto as there is the administration, the state, corruption, bureaucracy, political changes, and crises which the state was subject to. The crisis needs to be addressed. This was what must have taken place but that was unavailable.
A committee was formed then representing the government, some state ministries, some official councils as well as a committee with representatives from Hezbollah and Amal Movement. We agreed on a vision; we made discussions and ideas were presented by official sides. Indeed, it is enough to say – as I do not want to go into the details of these ideas – that were these ideas adopted you would have remained outside your houses so far.
However to be fair, I say that the governmental sides were not rigid or inflexible. It was not just one word and so it is. There was a range for discussion, openness and agreement. We offered a vision that says that as was the case in all the previous events that took place in Lebanon - the internal wars and the Israeli aggressions - the state used to compensate on the damaged. So let there be a compensation project for the damaged in the sense that a definite monetary amount is to be paid in cities and another definite monetary amount is to be paid in villages because the issue differs between the people. Thus the people might take the money and build without going to the social, operational and procedural complications.
Indeed this was not accepted at first. Discussion took place, and to be fair, I must record for brethren Speaker Nabih Berri for the great role he played in making this achievement, agreement, decision and convincing the governmental side in this idea. To be fair too, we must say that the governmental side got convinced in this idea. It was a mercy on us and on the people.
Speaker Nabih Berri is to be greatly thanked in the issue of paying the compensation. Things moved rapidly through follow up. I know the magnitude of the detailed efforts he exerted and later through his acceptance and adoption of the decision we through Waed Promise could provide the alternative on the level of Dahiyeh.
The idea of paying the first installment for the people started to be implemented. Indeed, in the South, the Bekaa, Mount Lebanon and the municipalities in general the issue was easier because people have individual houses. Everyone takes the money – and we helped a bit in the financial issue – and builds his house. If there were several houses – a building with two or three floors at most – they would be the children of one family – a father and his sons and brothers. That would be as easy issue.
The real problem was in Dahiyeh because there are buildings, owners of apartments, and tenants. There are legal issues. There is the issue of how buildings would be built as there are common parts. There is a united architect. There are great problems. Well if the people were given the money and everyone went to build on his own, how will that take place? That was a real adventure. However, we went for that adventure for we had confidence in several points:
First: we had an alternative project which later came to be called Waed Institution and Waed Project. So we could offer a civil alternative which could assume the operation of coordination, conciliation and addressing the various problems besides reconstruction.
Second: Our confidence in these sacrifice-offering noble people in the sense that should we present this idea to them the overwhelming majority of them would accept it because it is logical, acceptable and helpful.
Third: it was not clear when financing on behalf of the state would start as it was referred to the official sides which cooperated and offered help thankfully. We want to get started. We must have money to start with all the preludes and start with construction to the end apart from paying the compensation on behalf of the state. Here I go back to the Islamic Republic of Iran which also offered a generous financial aid. The fund was ready and thus we could execute the project. Now we will see the rest of compensations and aids who would contribute to us and we got started step by step.
Then I met with the people – the owners of the residential units – you remember that. It was a solemn and massive meeting in the Hall of Great Sayyeda Khadeja (Peace be upon her) following the war. I presented this decision to the people. There is no possibility that the state rebuild your houses. It will pay the compensations for the residential units and you have two choices:
The first choice is that residents of every building form a committee and agree among themselves to build the building and we are at your service. We will also help with financing and paying the differences and also improving the building because the money which will be paid by the state is not enough even to reconstruct the building as it was apart from building it better than it was and indeed we are at your service and we will not withdraw.
The other choice: We had a project and the institution will be charged on your behalf. Upon consulting you and cooperating with you, it will reconstruct these buildings.
So we are before a democratic project which is based on dialogue. No one obliged anyone to do anything. No one imposed anything on anyone. Hezbollah did not unshield the sword in face of anyone and asked them to pay what they receive from the state and we will construct your houses by force. We said choose what you want. Here the confidence of the people and the love of the people and the will of the people which I talked about a while ago appeared. The overwhelming majority of the people chose that Waed Institution be charged of this mission. It was really a very tough and difficult mission because there was a legal side in the issue. You know some buildings in Dahiyeh had violations. Some were in fact built during the war years. So through the law we would organize that. Some apartments will have a lesser area after it was vast. There were interventions from the building residents and the issue of common parts, the issue of the owners and tenants. Some buildings also had small apartments and the people were massed all over each other. That needed to be addressed and we worked on that. I do not want to go into details; however, the issue was very complicated. In fact, Waed Institution exerted a momentous effort and I thank them all. I also thank the government, the ministers, the councils, the funds, the syndicate committees, the research centers, and the consultative studies. I will not go into details because that will require a lengthy list. I will also thank the Supreme Islamic Shiite Council in Lebanon as His Eminence Sheikh Abdulamir Qabalan (May Allah guard him and prolong his life span) showed special care and unique support for Waed Project in Dahiyeh and to the general relief project through the legal and practical capacities of the Supreme Islamic Shiite Council. I also thank the municipalities in Dahiyeh and Mount Lebanon and in Beirut. All of these sides cooperated. Indeed, all of the political forces cooperated and facilitated this issue. The government paid gradually and in various intervals of time. We are working now Inshallah that it completes paying the second installment which started to take place. Concerning the Arab states, some offered financial aids to the Lebanese government and we do not know the money which was paid as compensations in Dahiyeh from which country was. This is one of the financial problems in the country now. Some money was offered to the previous government to spend in reconstruction. There is a discussion in the country where this money was spent. Indeed there is a part of this money which was spent in reconstruction or else where from the state would state pay? Well, where was the rest of the money paid? We have such problems.
Anyway, no matter which Arab state true money reached Dahiyeh, we address it with high esteem and gratitude. Special thanks to the residents who cooperated and tolerated much as brethren Hajj Hassan Jishi said concerning the details of the procedures of the work. This appeals to us; that doesn't. Here we want this. Here that is possible; there it is not possible… Here that is possible. So it was a long journey of exhaustion, effort and patience. Praise be to Allah it was crowned with this great result. We must thank Waed Institution and especially brethren Engineer Hassan Jishi for his faithful indulgence all day and night to make this job a success. I thank all the brethrens and the sisters who worked in Waed Institution to reach today's achievement – Praise be to Allah.
Again as brethren Hajj Hassan Jishi explained - I do not want to go into details on the financial perspective and the costs of the project in Dahiyeh - he mentioned half of the costs. Indeed there is the state of Kuwait – i.e. Kuwaiti Fund. It is clear that with a definite amount of money it assumed constructing a number of the buildings in Dahiyeh in a direct way. The other states paid to the government.
Again special thanks to leadership, president, government and people of the Islamic Republic of Iran. After all, since the very beginning was it not for the Iranian funding we could not have got started and made this achievement in five years and several months. This funding made possible the opportunity to carry on in work apart from the capabilities of the government and its financial capacities. After all, the project was wrapped with better specifics taking into consideration the problems which Hajj Hassan mentioned and taking into consideration the high costs during the past years as there are great price differences which are supposed to be compensated. Consequently, should the government offer the rest of the second installment and we take into consideration the rest of the aids that will mount to half of the costs of reconstructing the buildings in Dahiyeh. The other half was covered by the Islamic Republic in Iran. We accompany our thanks to it with praying on Prophet Mohammad and his Household.
I will wrap up the section which has to do with July War, Dahiyeh and reconstruction so as to move to the political points briefly. This section stresses the great significance of war.
We were confronting a war of demolition. Brothers and sisters! I asked the brethrens to provide me with definite polls. I will read to you some of them. During the 33 days of its war with the Resistance in Lebanon and those who back it and over a very limited operational region – so it is not the entire area of Lebanon – which is the part of the Lebanese territory which was stage for the operations, the Israeli enemy launched 10000 aerial war raids with warplanes which launched rockets. You remember how many rocket they used to launch in every raid. Do you still remember the raid over Imam Hassan (Peace be upon him) residential compound and Sayyed Al Awsiyaa (Peace be upon him) compound? It was like an earthquake on that day. They launched 3000 aerial raids. Let's talk about air raids. In 1967 and in face of the Arab states, the total number of the aerial tours and not raids – that is because they may make a tour without raiding – over all the Arab states partaking in the war of 1967 was 4338. In Lebanon, the number was 15500 Israeli warplanes tours. So the number is manifold. The Arab states mean Egypt, Syria, the West Bank, Gaza and Jordan. All of these countries were stage for the operations. However, where was the stage of operations here? It was a large area in the south and a large area in Bekaa and Dahiyeh (25 kilometers squared). There were some targets in Mount Liban and in the North. This shows the magnitude of anger and wrath nurtured by those and they are righteous in that because the resistance in Lebanon afflicted the Israeli enemy with the first true defeat when it imposed on it a humiliating disgraceful unconditional withdrawal from southern Lebanon in May 25th 2000.
As for artillery shells, let me tell you what they did in 1967. The number of Israeli artillery shells of all kinds and on all the Arab states, Arab armies and Arab targets was 75000. During July War and on the limited operation region 177000 artillery shells were rocketed. What was the goal then? When some people say the goal was to crush, these are the indications of crushing. Some investigations were made in Israel following the war, and they were issued. The results of the investigation are in the following text:
"The act of the artillery was haphazard; the haphazard usage had led to the consumption of the ammunition – not only the vital ammunition but also the Israeli strategic reserve storages had reached the red line. Thus Israel got in need for an aerial route to receive ammunition and rockets and shells though the domain of operations was very limited."
This was the demolition war you faced; however, Praise be to Allah with our will we could reconstruct altogether – the government, the people, the army, the resistance, the ministries, the institutions and the friendly and supporting countries. We could stay in our land and remain steadfast. Even more, during these past years, the resistance which they wanted to crush gained more power in number and in ammunition. It gained more power to deter, to confront and to make victory. In the past and in July War, the enemy used to bomb buildings in Dahiyeh to hurt its people and residents knowing that these buildings comprise no offices for Hezbollah and its members. We did not then have the power but to put a limited equation to protect the capital. We then said we will strike Haifa in return for striking Dahiyeh, and if they strike Beirut, we will hit Tel Aviv in return. However today I reiterate the oath with you:
O people of Dahiyeh! The hand which you built with and resist with is on the trigger to firmly impose on the Israelis a true balance. The very number of buildings which might be demolished in Dahiyeh will be demolished in return in Tel Aviv. I will reveal a secret, and I do not want to be 100% sure. Perhaps in 2006, we could strike Tel Aviv; however, we wanted to protect the capital Beirut. Thus we did not resort to striking Tel Aviv. However, today we are not only able to strike Tel Aviv as a city. God willing, and with Allah's might we are able to strike very specific targets in Tel Aviv and even anywhere else in Occupied Palestine.
Time is over when we were to leave or homes and they didn't leave their houses which they built on usurped land. Time is over when we were to be displaced and they didn't. Time is over when our houses are demolished and their houses remained intact. Time is over when we used to feel scared and they didn't. I even say time is due when we will remain and they cease to exist.
I will move to the topic of Palestine and Gaza. We are celebrating the construction of the buildings in Dahiyeh while looking at the demolished houses in Gaza most of which has not been rebuilt yet. As far as I know, a very limited number has been rebuilt with humble internal capabilities. Today from Dahiyeh, I call on the Arab and Islamic states and all the vital powers in this nation to extend the hand of help to our people in Gaza to enable them to rebuild their houses and residences.
Some Arabs may protest saying Gaza is besieged now and there is no possibility to pass in iron, cement and the primary construction materials. However it seems that the blessing of having tunnels is one way or another helping the people of Gaza meet their needs. Here I am saying: Provide the people of Gaza with money and let them manage their own affairs and they are ready to do that. It is not allowed that all of these years have passed following war and still the majority of the owners or the residents of these demolished houses are still displaced without having any hope to return. So let no Arab state set as a condition of lifting the siege on Gaza to reconstruct the houses. They are not doing so; but if only they offer the money. We too, Inshallah, will try to get involved seriously in this project one way or another. Through my meeting with some of the internal Palestinian leaderships I came to know that there is a true and serious possibility to reconstruct a great number of these buildings and residences should the money be available to Gaza.
In the same framework, we must express our solidarity and support to the Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails. There are more than 3 thousand Palestinian prisoners who started a hunger strike. Some are now in their fourth week, and they really need a true momentous stand of solidarity. For example, when we were following up with the developments in Bahrain and the cause of the legal activist Abdulhadi Khawaja who was leading a hunger strike, his family was shouting. The people in Bahrain were yelling and no one in the world was responding. For the first glance, I thought that was part of the injustice Bahrain is suffering from. However now thousands of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails have started a hunger strike and they have been in this state for the fourth week and still no one took a move. Neither the Arab League, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the United Nations, the Security Council, nor the European Union took any move. Several strikers are on the verge of death and martyrdom and still no move is taken. This is very distressful.
Anyway, I do not want to make any condemnations or to categorize the stance as you are acquainted with that. I want to call on the governments, states and peoples of the Arab and Islamic world: let's rise and make a true weighty stand to back these prisoners in jails. I call on the Iraqi government as it is the head of the Arab Summit at this stage to make a true and vital initiative. Let it gather the Arab foreign ministers and form an Arab follow-up committee or let the OIC refer the cause to the UN Security Council and the Human Rights societies in Geneva. They are only good at doing what they did for Syria. Why don't you do all what you did for Syria – though there is no norm for comparison. Where are the Arabs? Where are the Arab ministers? Where are the Arab governments? These are Arab prisoners in Israeli jails.
There is one undisputed cause among us. We might differ over Syria, Iraq, Bahrain, Yemen, and Egypt… However, we do not differ over Palestine. Amid this Arab and Islamic consensus, where are the Arabs and where are the Muslims? This is a voice which we must unleash.
I will only hint to a point which is forming the so called national unity cabinet in the Israeli entity. This is a stance that needs contemplation. Indeed everyone in the Arab world is as busy as always. We always know how to occupy ourselves so as to ignore what is taking place in the enemy's entity that is resting on our sanctities and kneeling on the chest of our region and peoples. This indication needs to be posed at and scrutinized. The brethrens in Gaza are showing fear from this change or development as I have noticed. Thus I am calling for contemplating this point.
There's still a Palestinian affair which I have to tackle but from a Lebanese perspective. I am calling for ushering seriously in the project of rebuilding Nahr Al Bared Refugee Camp. For how long must the sufferings of the Palestinian refugees who reside in Nahr Al Bared and the Lebanese families who used to live in the camp or its neighborhood continue? There are no financial or procedural reasons for this procrastination. It may be put only in the sphere of political suspicion.
In this framework also, we must warn against something which the Palestinian factions in Lebanon noticed. We must warn against the project of turning the Palestinians in Lebanon from refugees to a community. This is very dangerous on the political and social levels. Turning the Palestinians to a community is a free service to the Israeli enemy. It is a cancellation to the right to return, to the project of return and to the demand of the Palestinians to return to their houses, fields and properties in Occupied Palestine. Thus we are with the Palestinian factions. We refuse to turn the Palestinians in Lebanon to a community in the framework of whatever deal. At the same time, we call for providing them with their humanistic rights as refugees. These are just humanistic rights, and as we want to protect the political title for the Palestinian brethrens residing in Lebanon, it is obligatory from this perspective that Nahr Al Bared Camp be reconstructed because it is a title for the right to return and for the Palestinian cause which must not be forgotten or neglected.
Now I move to Bahrain. The ongoing popular peaceful movement in Bahrain reflects a high level of steadfastness, patience, faith and endurance, despite the harm they are facing. There is something concerning Hezbollah which I am obliged to comment on. I have read in some of the declarations made by some foreign political sides - and this was also mentioned in some internet sites and I am afraid the Bahraini youth might be misled by that because after all we in Hezbollah as well as Palestine are adored by the youth and people in Bahrain and this is clear in all demonstrations – that Hezbollah in Lebanon is pushing toward violence in Bahrain or is calling on youthful groups to stage security or military operations in Bahrain. This is sheer lies, delusions and falsifications. We do not and will not do so. We believe and support what the leadership of the Bahraini opposition, led by His Eminence Ayatollah Sheikh Issa Qassem (May Allah guard him and all the people of Bahrain), believes in by insisting on peaceful movement. With time this peaceful movement has embarrassed the authority of Al-Khalifa in the Arab world and worldwide. Ultimately, they could not afford to ignore this incessant movement, this loud cry, this patience and this standing of pain. Consequently, Allah Al Mighty will provide those patient, faithful, truthful people who are keen on guarding their nation and their unity a way out.
In fact, I believe the Bahraini Regime is the one pushing towards armed confrontations or wishes that violence will be perpetrated by some of the youthful groups in the Bahrain Opposition so that it makes use of this violence to bring down the peaceful demonstrations and strike these leaderships, displace these leaderships or hurl some of these leaderships in prisoners while holding them responsible for violence at a time these leaderships are truly and faithfully announcing their confidence and commitment to peaceful action. We join our voice to the brave, wise and trustworthy leadership and call on our people in Bahrain to be patient on their peaceful action and track because going in any other track would be wrong and would lead to squandering all the goals and the sacrifices offered so far.
As far as Syria is concerned, yesterday we all condemned – and I believe that many of the posts in the world and even those against Syria and the regime in Syria were obliged to condemn the terrorist suicide attacks that hit Damascus and led to a great number of martyrs and injured. Indeed some are still silent on what took place. Today Allah Al Mighty spared our noble people in Aleppo a true catastrophe when a suicide attacker was discovered driving his car loaded with a thousand kilograms of TNT explosives. That would have been a real catastrophe which might have taken place in Aleppo. Indeed what we heard yesterday is absurd and ridiculous: Some Arab satellite channels and opposition figures had accused the Syrian regime of standing behind these attacks. This is funny. You daily say that Syria's is a security regime, an intelligence regime, and a military regime. How come a security system sends suicide bombers - if it has suicide bombers - and booby-trapped cars to destroy its intelligence and security centers? It's illogical to present what is taking place in Syria as such.
I would like to assert to you and based on yesterday's scene that the very hands that trifled with Iraq, the people of Iraq and the institutions of Iraq and destroyed, killed, perpetrated massacres and stroke mosques, churches, markets and state centers, public administrations and streets without any humanistic feels is the very hand and mind which want to destroy Syria now. Do suicide operations lead to reforms and the democratic operation in Syria? My address to the Syrian people and my stand as well as that of Hezbollah and the brethrens are well known. Day after day we are becoming increasingly convinced in our stance that there are some who want the downfall of Syria only because they want to get rid of the main supporter of the resistance in Lebanon and Palestine. America, the West, Israel and some regional sides want that only and only to revenge from the state, people, leadership, and army which supported the resistance in Lebanon and the resistance in Palestine and thus we triumphed and the project of George Bush to establish a Neo Middle East had gone with the wind. This is how we comprehend the issue.
What's taking place in Syria are not calls for reform or democracy. The gate of reforms has been opened and parliamentary elections were held in poor security, social media and provocative conditions. Still the participation rate which some tried to challenge was higher than that in some calm European countries, Latin America or some Arab countries. So someone had opened the door before reform with much seriousness, momentum and determination.
In brief, I say the Syrian people are before two approaches. There is the approach of reform and change and addressing things in a political way through which people would have the chance to participate in true multiplicity. On the other hand, there are a destructive mind, a destructive hand as well as parties who are ready to provide weapons, money, explosives and suicide bombers. It is not necessary that the suicide bombers be Syrian. As was the case in Iraq, some Iraqis used to provide the infrastructure of the suicide operations but the suicide attackers used to be imported to Iraq after being exported from several Arab and Islamic states and even from Arab and Islamic governments to get rid of those who used to form a complexity and invest them in this battle.
The Syrian people are before two methodologies: either they are to go to dialogue, reforms, elections, participation and cooperation or this sample that is being represented now. We have witnessed horrible images for this sample during the dire years in Iraq and we are still witnessing that in Iraq. At the time when there were noble resistance men who were fighting the occupation, thousands of suicide operations – Al Qaeda Organization has admitted that – used to be staged against civilians, mosques, churches, markets, Husseiniyas, temples, the army, Iraqi security forces, Iraqi police and Iraqi volunteers who had no job opportunities whether they were Sunnite, Shiites, Turks, or Turkmen. They used to line up before the voluntary services centers. The suicide bomber used to detonate himself and kill hundred or 150 men. This massive killing is not unsystematic. There is a specific methodology, mind and vision that stand behind this killing. May this methodology, mind, intellect and vision be the future of Syria? The Syrian people are to answer this question.
I have a couple of words on the Lebanese affair.
We are before a new stage. It seems that the parliamentary elections have got started already. Indeed we must stress on the importance of the parliamentary council institution. It is on top of all institutions. It elects the president of the republic. It nominates the Premier. It gives the vote of trust to the government. It holds the government accountable. It gives it the vote of no trust or topples the government. It sets rules and legislations. The parliament is the most important institution. The only political elections in Lebanon are the parliamentary elections. We politicize the municipal elections in Lebanon. The parties politicize them or else the municipal elections are almost familial, social and developmental elections. So the parliamentary elections are the only political elections in Lebanon. In Lebanon, we do not elect the president. In Lebanon, we do not carry a referendum on anything whether the constitution, constitutional amendments, general policies or tracks.
So the assertion on the parliament leads to the assertion of the importance of parliamentary elections what imposes the importance of the elections law. Thus as far as the elections law is concerned, we tell all the political forces in Lebanon that this issue deserves to be addressed premeditatedly. We carry on having discussions and dialogue and making researches. We still have time. Usually in Lebanon, during the last two or three weeks, they jam themselves. We can make use of time starting from now. I hope that neither we nor others close the door tight before any draft or idea saying it is as such and only as such. If everyone said it is this and only this, how are we to reach elections that really express true representation? Thus first as far as the election law is concerned, we call to more dialogue, that we do not get bored of each other, that we do not get frustrated from each other. We must always make discussions and carry on dialogue. No one must impose his choice on the other party. If anyone thinks in this way, that is wrong. On the contrary, I say this is my choice and idea and I set for discussion. I try to make a public opinion. I try to convince the political forces and the parliamentary blocs.
Also as far as the elections are concerned, there is a point that I like to stress before saying a word on the election law. We are with carrying parliamentary elections on time. Let no one give any excuse. Some people might not want parliamentary elections to take place. Thus they have already started to hold others responsible. We witnessed a campaign that started before Feltman's visit and ended before his visit was wrapped. Now they go back to renew this campaign. Before Feltman's visit the campaign mounted to no elections in the presence of arms. You mean you do not want elections because arms still exist. That means you do not want elections, and that means there will be no elections while arms continue to exist.
As I have always said the weapons that would affect elections are individual and small weapons which all Lebanese have. Let no one claim that he does not have arms. All Lebanese have arms. If I want to impose a list on the residents of Bint Jbeil for example or the people of Baalbeck, do I shell on them a Zilzal Rocket and tell them vote for this list! Those who want to use arms might resort to Kalashnikov. Kalashnikov is available with all the Lebanese. This rhetoric is for the market. When they say No elections while arms exist they mean our arms – the arms of the resistance. This contradicts with the elections and the soundness of representation. Thus we must say that 2005 elections are null and void, and what is based on what is void is void. The elections of 2009 are void and what is based on what is void is void and that means that your majority was void and your government was void. Let's be through with this rhetoric.
The elections must take place on their due time. This is a national interest, and that is for the interest of all the Lebanese. We are all concerned in paving the way for the natural and sound atmosphere for carrying the parliamentary elections on their due time.
As for the elections law, we speak from a national perspective and not from the party's perspective. If we speak from the party's perspective, I would like to tell you should any elections law be adopted, Hezbollah will preserve its parliamentary quota. No matter which elections law is adopted – 60, 2000, majority, proportional, five districts, six districts, or middle districts, our quota is secured. However what results from the elections law is in fact an imbalance or disorder in national representation. Many sections nurture the feeling of being unrepresented in the parliament and that in fact they are unable to reach the parliament. When we head to the majority system whether we set broad, middle or narrow districts such as the law of 60, the major political forces form rollers. These political forces in Lebanon could collect a number of votes in this district and in that district. If these votes are added, they will have a deputy or two or three. However, in the majority system, they will have no deputy in the parliament. So they feel they are ruled out and marginalized and thus frustrated.
As a large party, our interest might be in the majority system or a definite district division. Thus we form rollers with our allies and move forward. However, should we think from a national perspective and want that every section in Lebanon feel that it is represented in the parliament, if we thought of a true representation in the parliament, we rightfully, objectively and fairly say that the proportional representation is the best system because it doesn't negate anyone. It rather eliminates unilateralism among sects. Yes, that's true. It eliminates unilateralism among sects. That is true. Well, who says that unilateralism in sects is something good for Lebanon or unilateralism in regions is something good for Lebanon? Proportional representation gives a chance for bilateral and trilateral representation in regions and in sects. That means the best representation in the parliament. I do not want to explain the good points in proportional representation. I rather want to say that we in Hezbollah back proportional representation. If Lebanon is a large electoral district that would be excellent or else let it be five districts or broad districts to guarantee the best representation possible. That's because in small districts and when percentages are set, some might not achieve the demanded percentage so they remain unrepresented. My brethrens, deputies, centers, media and I will Inshallah explain this idea and participate because some have preceded us to that. We are discussing this idea with our allies, friends and partners in the nation. Still I tell you we will not shut the door and say either it is proportional representation or there will be no parliamentary elections or either it is proportional representation or typhoon. No! That is incorrect in national and internal political practice.
Here I reach the last point I want to comment on and I hope you will listen to me though I have reached the end of my speech. I want to comment a little bit on May 7 and May 11 events. Every year like this time, this issue is evoked and is invested by definite political sides in Lebanon. Indeed it is used to cause sectarian or factional instigation. There are three backgrounds for that. It is either that they say that Hezbollah wants to respond or not. So let's evoke this issue because this issue may provoke the feelings and emotions and we may through it cause factional and sectarian instigations and thus we may bolster our movement, party and society whether Hezbollah responds or not. It may either be that as long as Hezbollah does not respond, it seems that its logic is weak. So let's attack it. Indeed they lack strong logic and strong representation to a great degree.
Finally it may be that they always want to drag us into a contest. They talk and we talk then the country will flare up with speeches and contests. The sensitive point here is that they always seek to give the issue a Shiite-Sunnite dimension. They would say we will evoke this contest. Should Hezbollah remain silent we will win and should Hezbollah answer, we will win too. On whose expense you will win? It's at the expense of tightening the people and the street.
I will tell you first that if we want to head to peaceful, sound and true elections and if we want to guard our country's security and stability, we must evade instigation. All sects must avoid instigation because instigation leads to an uncontrolled security situation. Who is able to control the security situation in Lebanon? Our entire surrounding is hurling with events and developments and pressing psychological situations. On the contrary, in Lebanon we say we are concerned to cooperate to guard security and stability and to avoid any clashes though there is a severe political division and even a severe media division on some causes such as Syria and other countries and the arms of the resistance. So still let's guard the general atmosphere. When things move to this level of speech and this level of instigation we need to make quiet comments.
When we do not comment or respond, that does not mean we are weak at all. We are rather guarding the atmosphere in the country. We take pains that no one drags this country to further sectarian or factional tension and that no one drags this country to any internal confrontation or to events that may be uncontrollable by any of us. Or else we have our given, documents, records and the recourses of allies and friends who were in May 7 on that events and what was being prepared to Beirut and Lebanon through bringing along thousands of fighters to Beirut. Should anyone deny that, it's his own business. However that is known. We have given and readings on summoning thousands of fighters, jamming Beirut with arms sites, preparing for an operation plan in Beirut via that incident, and seeking to evoke a Shiite-Sunnite ordeal in Lebanon. Based on that, Arab and international intervention will be summoned after Israel failed in July War. We are daily ready to talk on this in a calm language as well as in an instigative language. However, where to will that lead the country?
We also have our given on the governmental decision then in May 5 to target the signal weapon in the Resistance. Several days ago I had an internal meeting with some brethrens who are concerned in communications and the signal weapon. We were talking and they interpreted what took place in July War and what might happen later. Day after day, the importance of wiry weapons in any confrontation that might take place is being emphasized. The government then took a decision to strike this weapon which is not one of the important weapons of the resistance but rather the most important weapon in the resistance ever. To whose interest that decision was? It was to the interest of America and Israel. It also decided to evoke an ordeal between Hezbollah, the Lebanese Army, the security forces, and the official security institutions.
Hezbollah may stand up and say we could knock out sedition. We prevented Shiite-Sunnite sedition. We nipped it in its bud. We guarded the country against sectarian and factional fighting. We guarded the resistance. We guarded what guards the country and deters the enemy. We offered dear martyrs of whom we are proud. We are never ashamed of them. We did not target or wanted to get involved in any struggle with anyone whether from this sect or that sect. We took pains to nip the ordeal in its bud and to swath wounds and address the crisis. The wire phone remained intact, the ordeal flopped and the conspiracy was met with frustration.
We have much to say. We have data, documentaries and footages. We have many eloquent speakers and poets too. In psychological war, even Israel can't remain at equal footage with us and it acknowledges our supremacy in psychological war. You want to get involved in an instigative psychological and media war with us! We are not weak! We are not shy! Not at all!
Yes, we said these events were unfortunate because they wanted to employ Beirut and the people in Beirut against the resistance and the arms of the resistance at a time this resistance is one of the hopes of the Lebanese, the Palestinian people and the nation. What took place must not have taken place.
Anyone who wants to approach these events must do that from all perspectives. He should not take one scene, one perspective or one term. What took place in Beirut was a confrontation. It is not an attack by one sect on another or by one party on another. It is a confrontation which has its reasons, circumstances and local, regional and international backgrounds. That's why I hope this event is not employed. So far we have decided not to get involved in any contest. I will stop here. Later they will understand that and the people will assert on that when they hear them. We were silent because we care and not because we are weak. We want to guard the country. We are not weak in our logic, pretexts and speech. On the contrary, we wanted to cure all of these wounds.
Well, yes this is being employed today - Sorry, I have to talk frankly at the end of my word - by Future Bloc and I believe they will continue employing it until elections are due because they don't have anything else which they may employ. What is the great reformist national project which Future Bloc may present after all these experiences the Lebanese people passed through? Future Bloc makes haste to employ sectarian language. They in no time change the issue and flare Sunni-Shiite sedition. This is incorrect.
May 7 events were not between Shiites and Sunnites. They were between a definite alliance and Future Bloc in Beirut. It never was against the people of Beirut or against the Sunnites in Beirut. They tried to give the issue a sectarian perspective. They approached the issue from a sectarian or factional perspective in some regions as what happened in the North. Future Bloc will carry on employing this language because they insist on unilateralism in the Sunnite section. Do you know why? That's because Future Bloc is very extremist in refusing proportional representation though they have wide masses. We may understand the reasons of the Social Progressive Party but Future Bloc has vast expansion which no one may deny. Still Future Bloc may not claim unilateral representation for a definite sect as we can't claim unilateral representation for a definite sect.
Let's highlight this point. In 2009 elections, media, political, sectarian and factional instigation was employed by Future Bloc against the other lists of our Sunnite brethrens who belonged to the Opposition then – i.e. to this alliance. They call it March 8, the national Opposition or whatever. In all regions from the North to the South, there was instigation against the Sunnites in the Opposition lists which oppose Future Bloc.
It was said they are killers. They said some of them were converted to Shiites. Some were accused of collaboration. No name was spared being used against them. They were terrorized. Fire was opened against some houses. Others' cars were exploded. You still remember the events of 2009, don't you? The blood of Martyr PM Rafiq Hariri was used against them. A billion and 200 million dollars were spent by the other party in 2009 elections. Still statistics show that 35% of the Sunnite voters at least gave their vote to the track opposing Future Bloc. That was the percentage in the worst political, factional, media, financial, security and terrorist conditions. How would these 35% express themselves? Through the proportional representation elections law no one may say I am the leader of the Sunnites or I represent the Sunnites and as I am the leader of the Sunnite no one knows what deals I do and what business I do. Let's say no more.
Let's head towards proportional representation. Then everyone would say who represents the Sunnites and who represents the Shiites and who represents the Christians and who represents the Druze and who represents all the sects and we will have precise representation.
I would like to make a call against using these events in contests that might harm the country and a call to evade sectarian and factional instigation and the general atmosphere prevailing in the region. The instigation flared by some uncontrolled, valueless, irreligious persons on some internet sites and pages – whether Sunnites or Shiites – is enough.
This is our country. See what is taking place against us. Let's preserve the integrity of our country, the stability of our country, and the security of our country. All of us agree to let the parliamentary elections decide.
In 2009 elections, when you won the majority based on the political composition then, we congratulated you saying May Allah bless you. We said we do not want to talk about money, counterfeiting, bribing voters… Under all these conditions we congratulated you and dealt with you as a majority. We told you then we were ready to participate in a national unity government.
Well we agree that the parliamentary elections decide. We agree that the political operation in Lebanon decides. We will not let arms decide. We did not and will not let arms decide. Never!
So our responsibility is to guard the country. All of us must seek to provide a sound and intact atmosphere for the political operation that reconstructs Lebanon on the political level on the basis of true representation and true and correct participation for all the sects, factions, sections and forces of the Lebanese people.
Again I felicitate you on this day and on this occasion for the achievement and the victory. May Allah bless you. Peace be upon you and Allah mercy and blessings.