I am under the very strong impression that a lot of folks are in a full-blown "panic" mode for no valid reason at all. I did my best to calm things down in my recent Q&A/FAQ+RFC post (if you have not read it *please* do so!) but my feeling is that my words have fallen on deaf ears. Then I tried again, by posting Yuri Baranchik's article. Again, I was underwhelmed with the response. So this time I have decided to let somebody much better qualified then myself, Alexander Mercouris, give it a try. Honestly, I don't expect that those who have fully made up their minds will be convinced by this effort either, but I hope to at least reassure those who are on the fence or just confused by a complex situation.
While I am on this topic, I have apparently confused many people by posting the Mozgovoi and Strelkov letters. Let me clarify, I did that because I assumed that they 1) he wants the same thing as I do 2) that they are honest and 3) that they might be right. However, as I have said it many times, the difference between "possible" and "probable" is absolutely huge. Yes, Mozgovoi and Strelkov might well be right, this is possible, but this is not probable, at least not in my opinion. I think that they are wrong.
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| Russian Security Council Emblem |
The ease and speed by which practically the entire Novorussian leadership was changed should indicate to you how high these men really are in the real Russian hierarchy of power and that, in turn, should tell you something about the kind of access they enjoy.
Anyway - please read Mercouris' analysis of the ceasefire agreement and protocol.
Kind regards,
The Saker
PS: for a full picture please also read Mark Sleboda's analysis who takes the opposite view and who sees the ceasefire as a sign that Russia is losing.
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CEASEFIRE by Alexander Mercouris
(Written 6th September 2014)
The
ceasefire agreement is the subject of intense discussion and has
clearly left some people unhappy. I will make a few quick observations
here before returning more fully to this subject later when I am under
less time pressure than I am at present:
1. The
ceasefire has been forced on Poroshenko and the junta as a result of
(1) the disastrous military situation the junta now finds itself in and
(2) the refusal of the NATO/EU powers to intervene militarily on his
behalf to redress the balance. The last was again clearly reiterated by
Obama at the NATO summit yesterday when he publicly refused even to
supply the junta with weapons (NB: we should not take that seriously -
weapons have already been supplied on a significant scale but clearly
even the outward appearance of involvement through token public weapons
transfers is being ruled out). Incidentally Obama's talk about the
importance of Article 5 of the NATO Charter was intended to underline
this point. Obama brought up Article 5 not to "reassure the Baltic
States" - which are not being threatened and do not therefore need this
reassurance- but to underline to Kiev the point that as the Ukraine is
not part of NATO it is not entitled to military help from NATO.
2.
The ceasefire agreement announced yesterday has not been published but
it gives the strong impression of being a purely technical, temporary
document for an immediate cessation of hostilities. It is unlikely it
will hold for very long. Either it will be replaced by a more permanent
agreement or the fighting will resume
3. The
most important point about the ceasefire agreement is not its terms but
that following Putin's refusal to "agree" a ceasefire with Poroshenko he
was obliged to agree it with the NAF (see below on this Page). This is
something Poroshenko, the junta and the Maidan movement have up to now
adamantly refused to do. By negotiating with the NAF and coming to an
agreement with them on a substantive issue namely a ceasefire the junta
has been forced to acknowledge that the NAF are not merely "terrorists"
but are parties to a conflict and therefore people the junta must
negotiate with.
4. The DPR/LPR have won a
decisive military victory so that their survival is no longer in doubt.
Those who worry that the junta will use the ceasefire to rebuild its
army in order to resume its offensive disregard
(1)
the fact that the junta's attempt to achieve a military victory at a
time when the military odds were overwhelmingly in its favour has ended
in disastrous failure. The NAF is now an immeasurably stronger and
better organised force than it was in April when the "anti terrorist
operation" began or in July when the junta launched its great offensive
in order to destroy it. This really has been a case of Nietzsche's
famous dictum that "what doesn't kill you makes you stronger". If the
junta could not defeat the NAF in the period April to July it cannot do
so now;
(2) the junta is in no position to
relaunch an offensive on anything like the scale of July any time soon.
Not only is the junta's military in no condition to resume the
offensive but the catastrophic economic situation and the onset of
winter absolutely precludes it. If the ceasefire holds it is much more
likely that it will be the NAF that will continue to grow in strength as
it gains more recruits, has more time to train them and repairs and
absorbs into its arsenal the cornucopia of weapons it has captured;
(3)
Russia will not allow the DPR/LPR to be destroyed. The junta's and
NATO's claims that the Ukrainian military were defeated by the Russian
army rather than the NAF are untrue but actually now benefit the NAF
because they have established the perception that Russia will in any
crisis intervene militarily in order to save them. In politics
perception is 90% of the battle and the perception that Russia will not
let the NAF be defeated or let the DPR/LPR be destroyed will determine
decision making in Washington, Brussels and Kiev from now on.
5.
Since there is no possibility now that the DPR/LPR will be destroyed
the political initiative now rests with them. They have made absolutely
clear what their objectives are (1) total withdrawal of all Ukrainian
troops from their territory and (2) full independence from Kiev. As I
have previously said Putin supports (1) and is slowly coming round to
(2) (see below on this Page). Poroshenko is of course rejecting both.
Days ago he was also rejecting demands for a ceasefire and talks with
the NAF and he has now been forced to concede both. It is no longer
within his power to deny the NAF's further demands and the fact that he
has been forced to say publicly that he rules them out shows that he
knows it.
6. None of this course means that the
junta will not try to use the ceasefire to improve its position on the
ground. The fact that Poroshenko has been defeated does not mean he is
reconciled to the fact. Were he to become so such authority as he still
has in Kiev would melt away. It is precisely because Poroshenko cannot
bring himself to accept defeat that I expect him to do everything he
can to try to reinforce his position by misusing the ceasefire for that
purpose. It is for that reason I expect the ceasefire to be only
temporary and to be followed by a renewed NAF offensive before long.
7.
I suspect what disappoints most people about the ceasefire (see the
comments made about it for example by Gleb Bazov and Colonel Cassad) is
that it appears to rule out the option of an NAF march on Kiev to
overthrow the junta. However the reality is that this option had been
ruled out some time ago as was made clear by Zakharchenko at his press
conference of 2 weeks ago (see my discussion at the time on this Page).
The whole tone and content of Zakharchenko's comments since he was
confirmed as the DPR's leader is that the NAF is fighting a purely
defensive war to defend its people and territory. I appreciate that
this is disappointing for many people but there it is.
8. Lastly and by way of postscript I would add
(1)
the decision not to march on Kiev is surely the reason behind the
dismissal of Strelkov who made his intention to march on Kiev clear. It
is now universally believed that Strelkov's dismissal was engineered by
Moscow as part of its political strategy for the Ukraine. Whilst this
is no doubt true I suspect this underestimates the strength of feeling
on this issue within the Donbas itself with many (most?) people there
fighting to defend their families and homes and unwilling to march on a
Kiev they no longer want to have anything to do with. I would add in
passing that the extraordinary publicity Strelkov was getting cannot
have failed to rile some of the other commanders who must have felt
their own contribution was being overlooked. I suspect Strelkov's
panicked reaction on 9th August 2014 to the junta's attack on Krasny
Luch and his unjustified criticism of the town's defenders was for these
people the final straw.
(2) the now
certain secession of the Donbas is not the end of the Ukraine's crisis.
That is still in its early stages and has very far to go. At best we
are at the end of this crisis's beginning. That however is a big issue
to discuss when I have more time.
SOME POINTS CONCERNING THE CEASEFIRE
Since
the ceasefire was announced criticism has mounted with more criticism
from people like Gubarev. I understand some of this criticism but I
think it would help to explain some points.
Criticism is now focusing on two specific issues:
(1) The protocol of the ceasefire agreement, which is in Russian only.
and
(2) Complaints that the ceasefire benefits the junta more than the NAF and is at the very least premature.
In my opinion (1) is simply wrong. There is much more to be said for (2). However there are points to be made even about (2).
The Protocol
Before
discussing the Protocol in detail I want to say that this is in my
opinion an essentially academic discussion. The wording of the Protocol
does not bear the weight people are attaching to it if only because
those involved in the conflict will interpret it in their own way. I
merely discuss this issue because others do.
1.
The first point to understand about the Protocol is that it originates
from a forum, the Tripartite Contact Group, that was supposedly set up
to "implement" Poroshenko's (non) peace plan. The NAF is not formally a
member of the Contact Group. Its members are the OSCE, Russia and the
Ukraine. The Contact Group "invited" the NAF representatives to attend
and provided a venue for discussions between the junta and the NAF,
which was useful for agreeing a ceasefire. However the Protocol is in
no sense a final settlement agreement. That is postponed pending the
"national dialogue" the Protocol refers to.
2.
The Protocol is a technical document. If one ignores the language of
the Protocol (deriving from the Contact Group's origins as a body to
"implement" Poroshenko's (non) peace plan) and focuses instead on its
content it is clear that it is the NAF that has gained most from it.
Specifically
(1) It has obtained a "bilateral
ceasefire" something it has been seeking since April. Please note that
the key word is "bilateral". Poroshenko's previous ceasefire was
unilateral which meant he could end it whenever he wanted to and that he
did not recognise the NAF by declaring it. What "bilateral" means is
that the Ukraine now acknowledges the NAF as a party to the conflict and
is negotiating with it. As I have previously argued Poroshenko did
everything he could to avoid this and tried to agree a ceasefire with
Putin instead of with the NAF. Putin said no.
The
word "bilateral" incidentally also means that Kuchma's status is no
longer in question. The junta had previously pretended that he was not
representing it. Since Kuchma negotiated the ceasefire, which is
"bilateral", and since the junta is bound by what he agreed, the fiction
that Kuchma does not represent the junta is over and he is confirmed as
the junta's representative in negotiations with the NAF.
(2)
the Protocol commits the junta to a total amnesty and an exchange of
prisoners. Quite apart from the obvious human considerations by
definition this again recognises the NAF as a party to the conflict
since the people so amnestied can no longer be criminals or
"terrorists".
(3) the Protocol reproduces
language drawn from the 17th April 2014 Geneva Statement about the
dissolution of "illegal groups". Note however that in light of (1) and
(2) since the junta now recognises the NAF as a party to the conflict it
cannot in logic any longer claim in international law that the NAF is
an "illegal group". Already the NAF leadership is treating this part of
the Protocol as referring to the various paramilitary groups controlled
by people like Kolomoisky and Right Sector.
(4)
Russia is a signatory of the Protocol. This is crucial. The US and EU
by contrast are not signatories to the Protocol. They have been
completely cut out of the negotiations. The fact that the Protocol is
only in Russian and that there is no official translation of it into any
other language (apparently not even Ukrainian) is a significant fact in
itself. The long weeks of February to July when the Russians
negotiated fruitlessly with the US and EU are over. Since Russia is a
signatory of the Protocol it is a party to it. Since the US and EU are
not signatories to the Protocol they are not parties to it. Its
signature gives Russia grounds to act if the terms of the Protocol are
breached. Russia has not had clear cut grounds to act up to now, As a
party to the Protocol Russia is in effect its guarantor and it now does.
3.
The part of the Protocol that is causing the most criticism are the
sections that refer to "decentralisation" and to local elections
happening under a Ukrainian law for "decentralisation".
(1)
The point to understand about these sections is that the Protocol does
not present itself as a final political settlement of the conflict.
That in theory depends on the "inclusive national dialogue" referred to
in the Protocol (wording that also ultimately originates with the 17th
April 2014 Geneva Statement). Zakharchenko and Plotnitsky immediately
following their signing of the Protocol made clear that the NAF's
objective remains full independence. Zakharchenko has said the same
today (8th September 2014).
(2) The fact that
Zakharchenko and Plotnitsky issued their statement immediately after
the Protocol was signed (but before it was published) refutes claims by
people such as Gubarev that they did not know what they were signing
when they signed the Protocol but that they merely signed whatever was
put in front of them. On the contrary it is clear that they wanted to
make their position unambiguously clear precisely because they did not
want their intentions to be misconstrued by the language of the
Protocol.
(3) The point here is that the
Protocol provides for elections to local bodies of power which because
they would happen in accordance with a Ukrainian law the Ukraine would
be legally obliged to recognise. It is a foregone conclusion that these
elections if and when they happen will be won by the NAF. If so since
the Ukraine is legally obliged to recognise the elections it is also
legally obliged to recognise their outcome (the "international
community" would be as well).
(4) What this
section of the Protocol therefore means is that the Ukraine not only now
recognises the NAF as a party to a conflict but once the elections are
out of the way will also be legally obliged to recognise the NAF as the
political leader of the Donbas.
4. Having
made these points, let me now make the key point: the Protocol is in my
opinion a total red herring. The Protocol is not a contract or a
treaty. There is no court or tribunal that will arbitrate on the
meaning of its words. All the sides will construe it as they wish. The
junta will not of course construe it as I have done and nor will its
western backers even though my interpretation is undoubtedly the correct
one. The junta will continue to call the NAF "terrorists" and will
continue to deny they are the representatives of the Donbas whether they
win an election or not. Certainly the junta will not recognise an
election the NAF wins or any declaration of independence the NAF makes.
For what it's worth in my opinion there is little chance of the terms
of such an election being agreed upon or such an election taking place
whilst the Donbas remains part of the Ukraine.
5.
I have laboured the point about the meaning of the Protocol not because
I attach the slightest importance to this question but because others
do and because it is being suggested that Zakharchenko and Plotnitsky
somehow signed away the NAF's position when they signed the Protocol.
In terms of what the Protocol actually says that is simply not the
case. Having said this I think the Protocol will before long be a
forgotten document left to collect dust in some unvisited archive as
events move beyond it.
Ceasefire benefits the Junta
This seems to me a far more powerful criticism. However I would make the following points:
(1)
I will say straight away that I think this criticism has merit. The
NAF would surely have been in a better position looking forward if
Mariupol and Debraltsevo had been recaptured. As it is there is bound to
be argument over the next few weeks and months about the status of
Mariupol especially.
(2) I cannot believe the
NAF leaders did not realise this when they agreed the ceasefire.
However having demanded a ceasefire for months they obviously felt once
the junta offered one that they had no realistic option but to agree.
I would rather that they had not and that things had turned out
differently but then I am not in a position to second guess their
decisions or to know why they made the decision that they did.
Doubtless Russian pressure played its part but one should not overlook
the factor of war weariness in the Donbas itself. Possibly the NAF
leaders were concerned that the population of the Donbas and possibly
some of the NAF fighters might not understand or be happy if the war was
prolonged further when a ceasefire was being offered. I would point
out that there have been no mass protests from people in the Donbas
opposing the ceasefire since it was declared and the NAF troops (apart
from some commanders) seem to accept it. The one possibility I do
exclude is that Zakharchenko and Plotnitsky are fools or traitors. I
have watched Zakharchenko and I am sure he is neither.
(3)
It is important anyway not to over dramatise the problems the arguably
premature end to the fighting will cause. Just 3 weeks ago the very
existence of the NAF and of the DPR/LPR was in doubt. Lugansk was
suffering from a humanitarian crisis and both Lugansk and Donetsk were
threatened with encirclement.
(4) That danger
has gone. The junta instead of achieving a military victory has
suffered a decisive defeat. NATO has refused to help the junta.
Despite desperate attempts by the junta to get at least token NATO
support through publicly admitted (as opposed to covert) arms supplies
even that request has been refused. The US/EU has failed even to
provide additional economic support. For all the brave talk at the
recent EU and NATO summits the reality is NATO and the EU have cut the
junta off. Meanwhile the Ukrainian economy is in freefall with Russian
gas and Donbas coal no longer available, output plunging, the currency
collapsing and foreign exchange reserves draining away The vice
meanwhile is tightening. The very latest reports say the Russians are
quietly telling European states thinking of sending gas to the Ukraine
through the (bogus and illegal) "reverse flow" scheme that they may have
their own gas supplies reduced if they do.
(5)
Any idea that the latest redeployments are going to change the
situation decisively in the junta's favour look in the light of this
frankly alarmist. In truth these deployments look to me like further
examples of the junta's perennial tendency to reinforce failure by
sending troops to places like Mariupol and Debratselvo that are no
longer defendable.
(6) The NAF made absolutely
clear again today that they want all the junta's military units
withdrawn from their territory. As I said previously (see below on this
Page) Putin now supports this demand. If the junta does not withdraw
its troops a renewed NAF offensive to drive them out looks inevitable.
Indeed the NAF said as much today.
(7) I would
repeat what I have said previously. In my opinion in military terms a
prolonged pause will strengthen the NAF militarily more than the junta.
I appreciate many others take a different view. However the NAF now
has more time to consolidate its gains (some people were worrying not so
long that it was overextending itself), to attract more recruits
(easier to do now it is winning) and to absorb the vast quantity of
heavy weapons it has captured. A renewed NAF offensive when it comes
will be more powerful than the one we saw in August. In its weakened
state the junta's military will struggle to resist it. Following its
defeat and against the backdrop of the economic crisis and the coming of
winter the junta's ability to renew the offensive on anything like the
scale we saw in July is surely for the time being non existent.
Conclusion
The
key lesson of the last few weeks is that the NAF can no longer be
defeated, that Russia is now involved, that the US/EU are no longer
involved in any meaningful way and that the junta having been defeated
and facing an economic crisis is left facing the NAF and Russia by
itself. In the Ukraine it is unwise to count on anything but the
balance in this conflict has now shifted decisively. I do not see how
that will change. For what it's worth that is also the assessment in
Britain. The mood here in the news media is one of humiliation and
failure.