The Speech delivered by Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah during the 21st annual University Graduation Ceremony – Ridwan Class- held by Hezbollah educational branch in Sayyed Ashuhada (pbuh) Compound in Rweiss in Beirut's Southern Suburbs.
In the Name of Allah, The Compassionate, The Most Merciful. Praise be to Allah, The Lord of the world. Peace be on our Master and Prophet –The Seal of prophets – Abi Al Qassem Mohamad Bin Abdullah and on His Household. Brothers and sisters, peace be upon you all and Allah's mercy and blessing. In this blessed occasion and this specific time, titles and issues are many but in this very occasion and due to its nature, my speech will be definite.
I will handle some issues of great importance Monday night, Inshallah, on Al Manar screen on the occasion of the Nakbeh - the catastrophe which befell the nation when Palestine fell the victim of occupation and usurp. I will not handle today the Nakbeh, the Israeli maneuvers and our duty towards them, the Israeli networks in Lebanon and all the issues related to the Israeli affair. I will leave them until Monday as I promised. The nature of such speech that would handle the Nakbeh, the maneuvers and the networks is nearer to a televised address than to a speech delivered in a massive ceremony. I want to talk to you today not on the way of a televised address. Many watch the televised addresses and say the Sayyed is very calm but when I deliver a speech they say the Sayyed is angry. But in fact neither when I make a speech I would be angry nor when I give a televised address would I be very calm. In fact, every occasion has its courtesies. The nature of a televised address differs from that of a speech before a massive audience.
Today I want to talk about you- the Ridwan Class. I want to speak about the brothers, sisters and parents and about Lebanon and the Lebanese affairs as we are in a very important stage as concerning the elections. I will end my talk with an indispensable pause on May 17th and May 7th.
First I would like to congratulate all the brothers and sisters – the graduates we are honoring today. I felicitate them on their success and educational achievement which were the result of determination, will, intention, industrious and serious work and jihad. For in my Islamic religious intellect, achieving education is jihad in the path to Allah, Al Mighty. In my name and the name of my and your brethrens in Hezbollah, I announce our pride in you. I would like also to show my great estimation and appreciation to the honorable parents whether mothers and fathers – as in every graduation ceremony. These mothers and fathers have insisted and supported their sons and daughters carrying on their university educational achievement and they assumed the responsibility of such a decision. We know that the overwhelming majority of the Lebanese and the Lebanese families live in hardship and on the edge of poverty and many of them even live below the edge of poverty. Still we find that fathers and mothers spare no effort and bear great hardships to furnish their sons and daughters with a chance for education and specialization and a true chance for making the future. I bow with high esteem before such fathers and mothers who are true fighters in the path of Allah as well as, because whoever works hard for his children is like the fighter in the path of Allah. And working hard for one's children is not to fill their stomachs and spare them hunger but rather it's working hard to feed them and educate them to raise their degrees, to build their world and safeguard their Hereafter. This is the fighter in the path of Allah. I would like to address another group also which is usually overlooked. It's the spouses, for – praise be to Allah – there is a new clear phenomenon which might somehow explain why the number of sisters is larger than the number of brothers. The good phenomenon is that even after marriage many husbands allow their wives to pursue their education. Indeed when the wife pursues university education more burdens are laid on the husband and the household. Anyway – praise be to Allah – this phenomenon is spreading and mushrooming in our milieu and environment. It's a good phenomenon. Also there is the case of wives aiding their husbands in pursuing education despite the building of the marital house. This cooperation and mutual tolerance yield such good results. Thus my special thanks are for such spouses who have facilitated the way for their wives and husbands to pursue their education despite all the resulting consequences.
Brothers and sisters! Your class holds the name of Ridwan – the name of the beloved martyr leader Hajj Imad Moghniyah – may Allah bless his soul. Here I would like to mention a point unknown by many people. All through the process of jihad and leadership, Hajj Imad – Allah's mercy be on him – used always to encourage the brethren fighters – who used to work under him – not to quit education. This used to be one of his interests and I know that he used to seek to provide the financial aids and organizational facilitations so that a great number of our brothers and sisters pursue their university education. This wasn't a personal desire. It was rather built on a strategic foresight embodied by the resistance. True our resistance was, since its onset until this day, the resistance of belief, determination, will and sacrifice but it was also the resistance of education, knowledge, specialization and intelligent minds. This was acknowledged by our enemies in the battlefield and in more than one domain: confrontation, security and psychological war, military fighting, developing capabilities and enhancing tactics until reaching the foundation of a military fighting school – a special school which is neither eastern nor western but rather the school of the Islamic Resistance in Lebanon which was formed by the fighters in Lebanon. Thus holding such a class name is a source of pride and honor to you as is Leader Ridwan proud of you in Heavens as you raise his name, carry on in his path and renew your oath to safeguard his pure blood and the blood of all the martyrs.
Brothers and sisters! This great number of graduates is at the heart of the believing and fighting procession. It gives to Lebanon and the whole world one of the true faces of this procession. It gives one of the bright faces which express the procession of resistance in Lebanon, its belief, humanitarian and patriotic affiliation, faithfulness and truthfulness, seriousness and hardworking, education, performance and great hope in seeking the future of believers. You are giving to the world today the image of the believer who is not desisted by poverty, need and deprivation from seeking education, success and advancement. You are giving the image of the believer who is not desisted by lack of abundance and supporters and the humbleness of equipment from fighting and resisting for the sake of dignity and freedom. You are giving the image of the believer whose utmost hope is achieving justice between all people, drawing a smile on the faces of all people and filling with joy the hearts of all people. This was the aim of all prophets all through history.
Today, you are also giving a powerful scene and a clear message for all those who question the ability of the Lebanese Opposition forces to run Lebanon in all domains and specialization fields and bargain for the failure of the Opposition to run the country. They say should the Opposition win the majority we do not want to share it. They are saying so not as a show of abstention and virtuousness but rather because they bargain for its failure. I tell you and all those bargainers: We like you to share us because we call for sharing, but if you don't want to share us if we won the majority, we will not beg you. But if you are bargaining for our failure and the flop of the Opposition, the only answer is this ceremony – which is but one of the ceremonies and one of the stages. There are 2883 graduates in all majors. I tell you: the minds, hearts, souls, wills and determinations that defeated the most powerful army and most powerful state in the region backed by the most powerful tyrant in this world is able to run a country hundred times as big as Lebanon. Some people accuse us of seeking to form an empire in the region; so will it be difficult for us run 10452 km2?
As we have been able – with Lebanese minds, hearts, wills and sacrifices - to liberate our land and captives and to safeguard our country, we are able Inshallah – and the more capable Inshallah – to build our country and nation and raise it high.
Today, I address you saying: Yes, we are concerned in a new era in which we must assume the whole responsibility not from afar or aside. It's the responsibility of building our country, our nation. We are to build a strong just state because strength without justice is destruction, dictatorship and a source of oppression. Likewise, justice without strength is fragile. We look forward for Lebanon as a nation for all its children and families – equal in all rights and obligations; a nation with one people and one state - one people which is the Lebanese people. We must get rid openly and covertly of talking about Lebanese peoples. We are one Lebanese people. We have no problem in talking about multiple cultures and civilizations. In the past, some elite men of intellect used to go through lengthy debates on whether we have multiplicity or diversity. There is no dispute over the terms. In fact, cultural, civilization, religious and intellectual multiplicity and diversity are but a bless and a mercy which we might change with our hands to the most important factor of power in our nation and in the world also starting from our nation. We are one people on one land. We talk one language and we have the same interests in security, stability, freedom, sovereignty, independence, social welfare, education, economy, finance and every daily affair as individuals, families, parties, factions, sects and regions. Our interests are the same in essence. We might differ in expressing these interests or in identifying these interests. We are one people. We must get rid of talking about numbers and classes. Today education is "trans-sects". So are poverty, dignity, honor as well as – unfortunately - collaboration and treason. We must get rid of talking about numbers and classes. We must see our people as one people. Should there be specific diversities and gaps we must work together to address these diversities and gaps.
We look forward for Lebanon as one country and one land. We talk about one people, one land and one state. Thus we in Hezbollah have always refused dividing Lebanon. We will resist any idea on dividing Lebanon which might cross one's mind today or in the future. Praise be to Allah, today after the flop of all dividing attempts and regional and international bargains, none is thinking of division. But I tell you frankly, a twin of division is tickling the minds of some political parties in Lebanon. I know these are not mere dreams but rather hopes tackled in some private and internal councils. There are also plans to reach it. I mean federalism. This is unquestionable in Lebanon. We want Lebanon as one nation, people, land, state and regime. Lebanon does not stand any form of federalism which we do not view but as a step towards division. It's ironic that some of those who accuse us of seeking a three-party rule work for federalism.
We also look forward to Lebanon as a Lebanese nation cum laude but without racism and racial superiority feelings that lack any rational, legal or moral bases towards our milieu in which we live more specifically towards the Arab milieu or towards each other so that some classify themselves more Lebanese than the others. We look forward to a Lebanon as a nation with Arab affiliations; an Arab nation but without any fanaticism because racism and ignorant fanaticism have no mind, religion, and humane characteristics whatsoever.
As for the state and the regime, there are many such titles. I don't think the Lebanese dispute over that but they might differ in applying and achieving that. As for the political regime, we have presented in our platform that we call – as mentioned in Taif Accord – to the formation of a Higher National Board to annul political sectarianism. We were precise in our electoral platform. We didn't say in our platform that we want to annul political sectarianism. There is something in the Taif Accord not approached by anyone yet which is forming a Higher National Board to annul political sectarianism. What we call for is forming this Higher Board which has to convene and see - despite the time that it might need and even if it took years – whether we want to carry on with the sectarian mode. If the result was to continue, then let's continue. Then there'll be some developing, advancing criteria and treatments which might be discussed and agreed on. But if the results reached by the Higher National Board to annul political sectarianism was that we must annul sectarianism from our regime, then we'd do a plan to annul sectarianism and organize the change which might be agreed on. On this point, we call for not making haste. We also call for not imposing the choices of some Lebanese on the others. So any essential modification in the regime must be based on the grounds of national dialogue, true and deep national discussion and serious national agreement because making haste and addressing the issue with the dominance of one will on the other wills in what concerns the essence of the regime might have more dangerous consequences and results from keeping the regime on its current form despite all the negative points.
The other point is we look forward to one state. I do not want to defend Hezbollah. I assert to you that since the establishment of Hezbollah, we've been backing the establishment of one state. So all through the past years, we didn't practice any authority on what is called "the power zones". Even after the liberation of the Boarder Line, I showed up in Bint Jbeil on a day which will be commemorated in the coming days and said we are not an alternative to the state and the authority. We haven't any judiciary authority and we don't want to try people even the collaborators who killed us, shed our blood, oppressed us, imprisoned us, whipped our backs and demolished our houses. We abandoned them so that the Lebanese state tries them. We never presented ourselves as a state or authority, whereas in the past three decades others who overbid us in talking about one state have practiced the state, the canton and the internal authority. We never did that. Now we aren't doing that – not even in any region despite the media distortion that extend to reach some regions especially the Southern Suburbs (Dahyieh).
We support one powerful state - a state with a strong government and strong parliament which is all the same proper and suitable and which expresses the wills of the Lebanese people. It's a state with a strong and independent judiciary authority, a strong army and strong security bodies. We don't differ with others on this point. There is one point of disagreement with others which is the resistance, the arms of the resistance and the defense strategy. There is much dispute and controversy over this point. We are still discussing this point with respect to all what is taking place around us. We say that there is no contradiction if Lebanon would have a strong resistance and a strong state. A strong state is what might lead Lebanon to a stage in which it tells the resistance that now there is a strong state which is able to defend its land, people, security and stability. Now you men of resistance go back to your universities, factories, fields and ordinary lives. That's the normal way.
In this framework, we look forward to a state which practices a true administrative reform and to a good active, fruitful administration which is far from corruption and bribery. We call for implementing decentralized administration as mentioned in the Taif Accord. We call for a modern electoral law which secures the best representation of the people. We are in heart and soul with a law which depends on relative representation. We call for a state which is able to address the social and living crisis and to give these crisis the true and serious priority and not as was witnessed in the past years. We call for a true state as concerning the balanced development which we believe its normal condition is reactivating the Ministry of Plotting which looks collectively at Lebanon's abilities, capabilities and needs and plots to put the executive mechanisms which take into consideration this qualitative and quantitative balance. Thus I tell our graduates: You are before market and job opportunities and competitions. So benefit from the degrees you acquired. We are before two paths: the personal and partial path which is when every one of us thinks of providing his son or daughter with a job through a society, institution or a leader or party. The other path is having a government in the near future which puts before its eyes the people's pains, hunger and poverty and the issue of unemployment. So let's not spend four or five years in political struggle on topics they know from the very beginning that if they invested all political, security, military and media means they will flop in achieving them.
We look forward to assisting in forming a serious, faithful and truthful government; a government from among the people living their hunger and deprivation so that it finds serious and truthful solutions to the development, social, financial and economic issues besides the labor issue. We also look forward to a judiciary authority which is free from the interference of politicians and all official and unofficial positions. What we have in Lebanon is not a judiciary authority even if the High Judicial Council said that. We don't have any judiciary authority at all. We have judges who include the fair and mannerly as well as the corrupt. They include the free and independent in their conscience and decision making as well as the dependent and subordinated. Or else tell me all over again what is the characteristic of a judiciary system that punished as it did Zionist agents who collaborated with Israel for decades and committed high treason against their country? What is this judiciary system like? How may we describe this judiciary system which detained agents for a month, six months or a year then sets them free so that some of them return to spying networks? What is this judiciary system like which hurls four senior officers in prison for three years and eight months without investigation and evidence? Is this an independent and fair judiciary system? This is but shameful: he who collaborates with Israel for long years is jailed for one or two or three months and then set free! From the very beginning, we vowed to hand these collaborators to the Lebanese judiciary and we didn't do like any resistance in history. All resistance movements in history held field courts and tried the collaborators and the traitors from among the sons of their nations except the Resistance in Lebanon. I then delivered a message to the French Ambassador after Jospin visited Occupied Palestine following what took place in Bir Zeit University and described Hezbollah as a terrorist party. Few months later liberation was achieved. I read before about the French resistance. I told the French Ambassador at that time: Extend my regards to your Premier and tell him that our Resistance in Lebanon is more civilized, humane and moral than the French Resistance because you held field courts and -without trial at times- killed tens of thousands of French agents for collaborating with the Nazi Army; whereas we haven't killed even a chicken in Antoine Lahd Army.
We trusted the state and the judiciary system. Here a member in March 14 Bloc might say this judiciary system was at the time of the Syrian rule and administration. But here the judiciary system under your rule is acting similarly. We handed the collaborators to the judiciary and we pledged to accept the judgment of the Lebanese judiciary and not to harm those collaborators. Many returned to their villages and homes. Here I tell you frankly that we made our pledge and thus no one is allowed to harm any of these agents unless his involvement is proved by the conventional means. We look forward to a true independent strong judicial authority which judges fairly and implements the law. This is what we hope for.
We call for sharing in the authority and the cooperation of the various representatives of the Lebanese people in running the country. Thus we call for a national unity government. This attempt is not a failure. They try to present it as a failing attempt. So either it is subject to their will or it is a failing government. This is the equation they're working on these days. In such a national unity government, if all the parties worked with conviction and faithfulness it will not be a failing government but it will be the best for Lebanon. That's because any government that might neglect essential factions among the Lebanese people pursuant to the saying that we won the majority with winning the half the council plus one deputy or two won't work in Lebanon neither if applied by the opposition nor by the Loyalists. We are all saying that Lebanon has a special characteristic and we must work according to this specialty. If Lebanon isn't special, then let's sit for discussion now. You want democracy; then let it be complete democracy. The best comprehensive democracy that might lead to a democratic rule in Lebanon is the emergence of a parliament from democratic elections on the basis of relative electoral grounds in which Lebanon is one electoral district.
We accept complete democracy. But if we are not to go towards complete democracy because it touches upon sectarian, factional and regional specialties, we have then to take these specialties into consideration while forming our authority through sharing and not annulling any party at all. As for the one-third veto power which they say it cripples the country, I say it does not cripple the country. I call especially on the brethrens in the Future Movement to reconsider the experience of martyr Premier Rafiq Hariri. Let them ask all his close associates about his sufferings in forming the cabinets which he headed and about the reason for not heading the last government before his assassination. They will find the answer. I have discussed this issue with Premier Hariri in lengthy meetings months before his assassination. He used to say: "If I don't have and I don't name one third of the ministers in the government, I don't form a cabinet and head it. Let them form the government they want then." Thus, in the cabinets he headed, he always used to seek having one third of the ministers from the various factions. Now when he failed to achieve that in the last government, he stepped back from participation in his well-known statement and Premier Omar Karami was charged with forming the government.
The true reason behind Premier Rafiq Hariri not forming the last cabinet is that he couldn't name one-third of the ministers. They can ask his close associates and friends. This is something normal in this country for anyone who wants to be a true partner.
I don't say that Hezbollah wants one-third of the government. I am saying that the Opposition used to call for one-third of the government. It's the Opposition which is formed of various movements and parties and which used to represent half of the Lebanese people through the past years. That is normal. So it is not returning to the three-party governance. I will tell you what the three-party governance is all about. It is they who fabricated this idea. They laid this egg and hatched it. The chick that emerged became a rooster which crows on platforms. That's the three-party governance. No one in the Opposition talked or thought about three-party governance. In fact nobody knows what three-party governance – which they talk about- means. What does three-party, three-sect, three-faction or three-political alliances governance means? As a Lebanese citizen, if I was asked what you understand when they talk about three-party governance, I would say: By God I do not understand what they mean in particular. There are many assumptions? They aroused the issue of three-party governance just to put the Opposition in a defense position. I hope that the Opposition forces and the brethrens in Hezbollah also get out of this story. They want to put us on a defense position. So why do we in every speech say no and never for a three-party governance? They want to put us in a self-defense position but well we did not arouse this issue and that's the end of the story. That's baseless. Yes, I would tell you there is another goal from arousing the issue of three-party governance which is pointing at the Christians in the Opposition. That's because if we said for example there is a definite political force – let’s say the Shiite in the Opposition – which wants three-party governance, that would mean three-sect governance. So when Lebanon is ruled in two halves between Muslims and Christians, three-party governance would mean one-third for Shiites, one-third for Sunnites and one-third for Christians. (The Druze would be among the Muslims share one way or another). Well if you told the Shiites I want to change your share from a portion in the one half to one third of the political share in the country, they will not be grieved. Let's be transparent. That serves the Opposition on the Shiite level. If you came to the Sunnites and told them I want to change your share from a portion in the one half to one third of the whole, that will serve the Sunnites of the Opposition. They don't care much in targeting the Opposition on those two levels for many reasons. The main goal is targeting the Christians in the Opposition. It's an attempt to tell the Christians in Lebanon that General Aoun, Minister Franjiyeh, Minister Skaff and other personalities in the Opposition - but most specifically General Aoun and the National Free Party – made an agreement with Hezbollah and the Opposition and agreed on a three-part governance i.e. they want to lessen your share as Christians from one-half to one-third. This is indeed not the first and it won't be the last media, political and electoral oppression practiced against our alliances- namely the Christians in the Opposition. That's how they thought. Nobody talks and discusses this issue anymore. In Jizzine he did not accept two-thirds for one-third. Still they accuse him of three-party governance.
So we must not remain on the defense. We must be clear. Yes we call for participation and the presence of all parties, the implementation of Taif Accord, working calmly on developing our political regime based on forming the Higher National Board for aiding the political regime and discussing annulling political sectarianism.
We also look forward to a powerful state which is able to defend itself, its decision, its land, people and security without the need for UN forces which do not make any difference with all our respect to them because they are our guests in Southern Lebanon. We look forward to a state which does not need external security bodies. As Lebanese we have military and security capabilities that enable Lebanon of having competent forces in this domain. Here I pay tribute to the event to be commemorated after few days –May 17th. It's really very saddening and regrettable what have befell those who opposed May 17th Agreement. We as Lebanese are liable to forget events easily. It's not that we forget easily but rather that's pursuant to the great media input and the many troubles, worries and catastrophes that we forget or else people don't forget May 17th Agreement. It's the agreement signed by the Lebanese Regime then from the position of the weak, defeated and humiliated and which Lebanon got subject to due to Israeli security, military and political conditions. Who signed May 17th Agreement? Who wanted to make Lebanon annexed to Israel through May 17th Agreement? Which political leaderships and forces which were strong at that time that wanted to crown Lebanon as a country annexed forever to the Zionist project? Who stood in face of May 17th Agreement? It's the scholars, men and women especially in Bir Al Abed in that blessed Mosque of Imam Reda (pbuh)? Who shed his blood to announce the Lebanese people's refusal to May 17th Agreement? It's no one but martyr Mohamad Najde who offered his blood so that Lebanon be independent from Israel. On the other hand who signed with his pen the agreement of humiliation with Israel?
Today those who wanted to annex Lebanon to Israel forever are the symbols of independence, sovereignty and freedom whereas those who offered their chaste blood to liberate Lebanon are the symbols of dependency, collaboration and subordination to outside powers!!! Isn't this a historic oppression? How can we forget? Now they would show up and say the Sayyed is going back to the language of treason. Well, that's history. I am not issuing sentences. History must remain present so that we benefit from it in the future, not to avenge one another but rather not to be misled again, get lost again and our country be sold again in the international slave trade market. We want a strong noble able state which restores its territories with its will and not through begging and not through a favor by Netanyahu embodied by returning a piece of land during elections times. That's a partial trivial issue.
During the days we are commemorating, our people in Southern Lebanon – men and women before gun holders- used to break through checkpoints, barbwires and posts in villages and make the miracle of historic liberation. This is the Lebanon we look forward to. Here I reach the point I like to stress on. Yes, we want a cooperative and brotherly Lebanon which is far from disputes and struggles. Few days ago was the anniversary of May 7th events. As opposition, we avoided one way or another arousing this issue because arousing it might lead to more strife and we are in elections season. Unfortunately, the other party, before and after May 7th and until now, is arousing this issue in the mass media, platforms and speeches evoking a dust storm as if it considered our silence and non-comment policy on that event as a feeling of shame, weakness or embarrassment. In fact though we in Hezbollah have avoided going into debate, I found that it's my duty to comment on this issue as a show of faithfulness to the chaste blood of martyrs shed on May 7th and so that there'd be no ambiguity in Lebanon or in any other place. I also want to be fair with this event. Accordingly, I remind – in words that do not arouse tension or agitation – those who talk about May 7th to remember what they themselves did on May 5th. It's enough to get Vingrad Report and read what's mentioned in it. It said that such and such is among Hezbollah's points of strength. Among these points of strength which must be terminated and dismantled is the communication network which Hezbollah erected. Today does anyone have any doubt that Israel is tapping on the Mobile phone network, the fixed phone network and all communication means available? There's no doubt. The most developed US techniques in the whole world in this field are present in Israel. Indeed the most important weapon for the resistance – I recall that it is not one of the most important weapons but the most important weapon – during July War was the communication network because it's fortified to a very high degree against tapping and the intervention of the Israelis. That's my goal from reminding of this issue and I would like you to take that into consideration. The Lebanese government convened the night – or was it the day – of May 5th apart from its agenda and decided dismantling the communication network saying it's outlawed, plundering the public wealth and harming the sovereignty of the state. It took a decision to hand to justice anyone who is linked to this network. Put these two scenes before your eyes. I don't want to issue sentences or to judge. The former illegitimate government must be aware that May 5th was a day of shame on its front and a stigma in its history because it wanted to do something Israel had failed to do all through 33 days. That's one point.
The other point is in the past few days there were some media leakage for some video clips. Why did they bring about thousands of fighters from outside Beirut before May 5th? I want to ask the people of Beirut who are called upon to give their answer to May 7th in the ballot boxes. Anyway, this is the political choice and affiliation of a great portion of the people of Beirut whether there was or wasn't May 7th, and they will vote accordingly. There are diversified parties and people will vote accordingly but I like to address the people of Beirut saying: You might ask who turned Beirut to a city of militiamen jammed with armed centers under the title of security companies. You might ask who brought about thousands of fighters from outside Beirut and deployed them in Beirut neighborhoods, headquarters and apartments while a media campaign was being waged against Hezbollah and its communication network before the decision was taken on May 5th. Is this a legitimate question or not? Does anyone still doubt that thousands of fighters were brought about to the city of Beirut before the government took this decision? What was being planned for?
What was planned for on May 5th when the government took the decision? How might Hezbollah react? If Hezbollah did nothing and was content with a demonstration, sit-in or statement, they would have succeeded and that'll be a prelude – for he who confiscates communication means may later confiscate other weapons under similar titles. That was if Hezbollah allowed them to dismantle the network. But if Hezbollah didn't allow that from taking place that would mean confrontation with the army and that was what they sought. I tell you the scheme of those who claim they care for the Army and for a strong state all through the past years was working for causing a struggle between the Army and the Resistance. They failed because in Lebanon we have a national army, leadership, officers and soldiers. This was scrutinized by foreign parties. They put the Lebanese Army under the microscope and observed whether this army with its leadership, officers and soldiers is ready and psychologically liable to get engaged in a battle with the Resistance. They reached a conclusion that the army can't get involved in that. It is not ready to fight the Resistance whether on its psychological, convictional, intellectual or national level. Thus they deprived it of all aids because they considered it not a trustworthy army!
It's not trustworthy of what: the country, the elections or the political authority? No…
It's not trustworthy of fighting the Resistance and this is an honor to the army. This springs from the heart of peace, security and national guarantee represented by the Lebanese Army.
So if Hezbollah did not hush up and go to civil disobedience and confrontation in Beirut, thousands of fighters would be ready. I want to say something I didn't say then. There was a set plot. They had orders: what to do and which regions to occupy and which regions to disjoint. The plot was to wage a sectarian ordeal in Beirut that would last for weeks on basis of which they would summon forces from outside under the title that there is sectarian war in Lebanon. Come and help us to stop the war! This was what was planned for. Know then that May 5th was not a decision to be executed. Such a decision is not for execution. Why did you remain awake all night long until the morning? Why did you call from inside the ministerial council Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the United States, France and others? This is not a secret anymore. You can ask the ministers who were with you in that government what do they say here and there. I am not disclosing a secret. The issue was not a decision to be executed. The former illegal amputated government took that decision to put Lebanon on the verge of a civil war in Lebanon between Shiites and Sunnites. Thus were the actions taken by the Opposition. It's not Hezbollah only. Anyway we are ready. You'd be taken by our full readiness.
I tell all the Lebanese but the Shiites and Sunnites in particular and more particularly our dear people in the city of Beirut. What took place in May was a quick end to a sectarian war they were plotting and preparing for. It was a quick end against setting Beirut on the fire of ordeal and civil war. It was a quick end to a great conspiracy which was prepared to this Resistance. May 7th prevented bloodshed, spared institutions, safeguarded homes and families in Beirut they wanted to destroy and set onto fire on May 5th. That's the 7th of May and the greatness of our martyrs' blood.
As for us, all through the past year I used to show deference and respect. But after what I heard in the past two weeks, I announce May 7th a day of glory for the Resistance in Lebanon. After all, it is May 7th that put Lebanon on the path for a solution. It's May 7th which set Lebanon out of the crisis they put it in. It's May 7th that imposed on them to return to the dialogue table which they refused. It's May 7th that let to the election of a president agreed on by all sides and to the formation of a national unity government. The relative stability enjoyed by Lebanon during the past year was among the blessings of May 7th and by virtue of the blood of martyrs shed on May 7th.
During the past two weeks, I heard slogans saying we won't forget May 7th. They made speeches and reiterated slogans. Great! You gave us good tidings. We want you not to forget May 7th. That's what is needed my dear brothers. It is demanded that we don't forget May so that nobody redo the stupidity of May 5th. As for the people you brought along from the various regions, I want to do them justice. It was said that days before that time thousands of fighters were brought along from Akkar and Bekaa. I want to do justice to these men. We know that the men of Akkar and Bekaa are brave and courageous and reliable. That's unquestionable. They aren't coward at all. They don't quit the battle field. But they brought the people of Akkar and Bekaa not to fight Israel. Try them in fighting Israel. You brought them to fight their people – the resistance which the people of Akkar and Bekaa consider as their pride, honor and dignity. You brought them to fight the resistance which every Arab –whatever his religion or sect is – considers as his pride in this era. Thus they didn't have the motive and the incentive to fight their people and brethrens in the resistance. They must know that so that no one dare say that the people of Akkar and Bekaa are coward by any means. But they were brought along to the wrong battlefield in which they never ever believed.
Brothers and sisters! Indeed we don't want to build on the basis of May 7th or May 17th. We read the past to take lessons for the future. Despite all what took place we call for cooperation, sharing, transcending the past, coupling efforts and putting hand in hand and shoulder to shoulder to build our country and take it out of the various crises entangling it. As I said when we emerged from July War victoriously – and they did not recognize our victory and don't until this very day; but that doesn't matter anyway- we must put hand in hand and shoulder to shoulder to build Lebanon. Now whatever was the outcome of the upcoming parliamentary elections, we indeed are in need of every kind of cooperation to build Lebanon together and to defend Lebanon together and to raise the name of Lebanon high worldwide together also.
Brothers and sisters again I felicitate the graduates for their achievements and success. Peace be upon you all and Allah's mercy and blessing.